Observations on the Chili trade.
The town of St. Malo has always been noted for good privatiers. They annoyd the English and Dutch very much in their trade during the whole reign of king William, and part of queen Anne: and tho’ some religious-headed people fancy that money got by privatiering won’t prosper, yet I may venture to say the St. Malo men are as rich and florishing as any people in France. It has thrived so well with them, that all their South Sea trade is owing to their privatiering; and in the late war they were so generous, that they made several free gifts to Lewis XIV. And tho’ our English Admiralty always kept a stout squadron cruising in the Atlantic ocean, yet we never took one of their South-Seamen; and my reason for it is this, they kept their ships extremely clean, having ports to careen at which we did not think of. For in the year 1709, when I belongd to his majesty’s ship the Loo, being one of the convoys that year to Newfoundland, we saw upon that coast a 50 gun ship, which we chased, and soon discoverd she was French built; but she crowded sail and left us in a very little time. She had just been cleand at Placentia: and we might well wonder to find such a ship in that part of the world, but were afterwards informd by French prisoners that she was a South-Seaman bound to St. Malo, with two or three million of dollars aboard; and was then so trim, that she trusted to her heels and valued no body. By their going so far to westward and northward withal, they had the advantage of westerly winds, which seldom faild of sending them into soundings at one spirt, if not quite home. But since Placentia has been yielded to Great Britain, they now make use of St. Catharine, the island Grande on the coast of Brasil, and Martinico in the West Indies.
This trade succeded so well that they all fell into it, sending every year a matter of twenty sail of ships: I my self saw eleven sail together on the coast of Chili in the year 21: among which were several of 50 guns, and one that would mount 70 calld the Flower de Lis, formerly a man of war. All this being contrary to the Assiento treaty between Spain and Great Britain, frequent memorials were presented at Madrid: and the king of Spain willing to keep up his ingagements with England, resolved to gratify the British court by destroying the French trade to the South-Sea. His Catholic majesty knew there was no way to do this, but by a squadron of men of war. He knew likewise that few of his own subjects were acquainted with the navigation of Cape Horne, or could bear the extreme rigor of the climate: therefore was obliged to make use of foreigners for this expedition; and three of the four ships that he sent were mand with and commanded by Frenchmen, according to the old saying, Set a thief to catch a thief.
The first was the Glocester of 50 guns and 400 men, formerly an English man of war: the second was the Ruby 50 guns and 350 men another English ship: the third was a fregat of 40 guns and 200 men: the fourth was the Leon Franco, a Spanish man of war of 60 guns and 450 men all Spaniards. Monsieur Martinet a French gentleman was commodore of this squadron, and commanded the Glocester: Monsieur La Jonquiere had the Ruby; the rest I forget. The French performd their navigation well enough, and got round the Cape tho’ it was in the middle of winter: but the last of the four being Spaniards, after several attempts, could not weather Cape Horne, but was forced by utter necessity to bear away back to the river of Plate, where at last the ship was unfortunately cast away.
It looks here as if an experiment was made to see if the Spaniards were hardy enough to go through that terrible navigation: but as they have little or no trade into any cold climates, and unused to hard work, ’tis no wonder they faild in that point. The Biscayners indeed are robust fellows enough, and if the Leon Franco had been mand with them, she had certainly doubled the cape with the other three ships: but the Spaniards in general, ever since their possessions in America, are grown so delicate and indolent, that it would be hard to find an intire ship’s company able to perform that navigation.
The great advantage of the trade of Chili this way is so manifest, that his Catholic majesty is obliged by treaties to shut out all nations from it as well as the English, tho’ he makes nothing of it himself: and it’s very rare that a Spanish ship has gone by Cape Horne. From hence arises the extraordinary price all European goods fetch at Chili and Peru: I have been told at Lima that they often are sold at 400 per cent. profit; and I may say the goods that are carryd from France by Cape Horne are in themselves 50 per cent. better than those that go in the Flota from Cales to Cartagena, or La vera Cruz: because the former are delivered fresh and undamaged in six months; whereas the other are generally eighteen months before they can come to Chili: so that the French, during the foresaid interloping trade, made their markets, furnishd themselves with provision, and got home again in twelve or fourteen months time.
When Martinet arrived at Chili, in the year 17, with the king of Spain’s commission to take or destroy all his countrymen that were trading there clandestinly, he soon found imployment for his three ships, the fourth being lost as aforesaid. And of fourteen sail of St. Malo men there was but one escaped him; she being landlockt in a little creek, where she lay hid till he was got to leeward: after which she weighd and came away with half her cargo unsold.
Tho’ all this was to execute the orders of his Catholic majesty, and doing a sensible pleasure to the British South-Sea company: yet the Creole Spaniards, especially the trading part of them, found themselves almost ruind by it; because it hinderd the circulation of money, and spoild business, so that they could not bear the sight of the French men of War, tho’ they liked the French merchantmen well enough. On the other hand, the French imagining they had done the Spaniards effectual service, expected, no doubt, civil treatment while they stayd among them. But as soon as Martinet brought his prizes into Callao, and the Frenchmen had received their proper shares, they forgetting the old antipathy of the Spanish to the French nation, gave themselves extravagant airs ashore by frisking and drinking that still incensed the Creolians more against them, who calld them Gavachos and Renegados for falling foul on their own countrymen. From one thing or other their mutual quarels grew so high that the Frenchmen were forced to go in parties about Lima and Callao, the better to oppose public outrages and affronts. At last a young gentleman, who was ensign aboard the Ruby and nephew to captain Jonquiere, was shot from a window in one of these frays; and the malefactor took sanctuary in the great church at Callao. Martinet, Jonquiere and the other captain join in a petition to the viceroy, that the murderer may be deliverd to justice: but the viceroy being an archbishop would by no means violate mother church to humour any body. Upon which they orderd all their men aboard by public beat of drum, and brought their three ships with their broadsides to bear on the town of Callao; threatning to demolish the houses and fortification, unless the rogue was deliverd up or executed. All this blustering could not prevail with the viceroy to give them any satisfaction, tho’ they had several other men killd beside the gentleman. At last Jonquiere unwilling to use extremities, and no longer able to bear the place where his nephew was murderd; obtaind of his commodore Martinet, that he might make the best of his way home.
About this time many fathers and other rich passengers were got together at the town of Conception, intending when this squadron came by, to take their passage to Europe: for they knew that all ships bound by Cape Horne must touch at Conception, or thereabouts, for provision. Herein Jonquiere got the whip hand of his commodore having now the advantage of so many good passengers in his ship; for as the king of Spain has no officers at Conception to register the money shipt there, so it’s unknown what great sums these passengers and missionaries put on board the Ruby. The reason why there are no such officers, is because ’tis not worth while, all the money going the north way to come home in the Flota.
By this opportunity the padres and others gaind two great advantages; first they were spared the trouble of a voyage to Panama or Acapulco; and thence traversing the continent to Portobello or La vera cruz, where they must expect to have had their coffers visited to see if the Indulto to his Majesty was fairly accounted for. And then they saved every shilling of the said indulto or duty, because the Ruby touchd first in France, where no cognisance at all was to be taken of the affair. So that as they saved one moiety of the duty payable in America, they likewise got clear of the other payable in Spain, because the ship arrived in France where they put all their money ashore.
There was on board the Ruby beside these passengers money, a considerable sum arising to his Catholic majesty from the confiscation of the thirteen interlopers taken by this squadron. All which together I was well informd amounted to four million of dollars aboard that ship. What a fine booty then have we missd, thro’ Shelvocke’s obstinate conduct? For when this same ship Ruby found us in the harbour of St. Catherine; Jonquiere’s company, as I said in my first section, were so infirm, that he had not more than sixty well men in 400 souls: so that he really was afraid of us; and would not even send his boat ashore to the watering place, where we kept guard, and our coopers and sailmakers were at work, till he had first askd our captain leave. Nor is this at all strange, for understanding we had a consort, he was really in pain all the time he was there, lest the Success should come in: and if Shelvocke had not wilfully lost company with Clipperton, and perversly determined never to joyn him, which he might have done at Canarie, there is probability enough that we should have met with Jonquiere at sea, if not at St. Catherine: then our business had been done for this time without going any farther: and we were certainly able as it was, to carry the Ruby our selves, had we known her condition.
After captain Martinet had cleard the coasts of Peru and Chili of his countrymen; he sent express with the news to Madrid his brother in law monsieur de Grange, who came by way of Portobello, Jamaica and London. Upon delivering his message the king askd him, what he should do for him. De Grange humbly beggd, that his majesty would please to give him the command of a ship to go round cape Horne again. He accordingly had the Zelerin of fifty guns. He came first to Cales where the ship was getting ready, but was surprizd to find a very cold reception from the French merchants and other gentlemen of his acquaintance residing there, for as there were merchants of several nations interested in the ships taken and confiscated as aforesaid, they unanimously lookd upon him and all the French aboard that squadron to be false brethren for serving a foreign power to the prejudice of their own countrymen: and while he expected a valuable cargo consignd to himself, being what he aimd at, he found himself quite disappointed; for no man would ship the value of a dollar with him.
Captain Fitzgerald who was then at Cales seeing this, made him a considerable proposal for the privilege of going his next officer, and to take aboard what goods he could procure in his own name. De Grange being a little imbarrast accepted the offer, and obtaind from court a commission for him as second captain. Accordingly they mand the Zelerin chiefly with French, and some English seamen; and away they went, getting very well round the cape. When our two privatiers Success and Speedwel were known to be in the South-Sea, this same ship Zelerin was one of those commissiond by the viceroy of Peru to cruise for us. Fitzgerald sold his goods at Lima to great advantage, where he continued, while De Grange served as captain under the admiral Don Pedro Midranda who took me and the rest of us prisoners.
The St. Malo merchants, tho’ great sufferers by so many confiscations, were not much discouraged; for in the year 20, we found the Solomon of St. Malo carrying 40 guns and 150 men at Hilo on the coast of Chili with several small Spanish barks at her stern. She sold her cargo in six weeks time, got a fresh supply of provision and left the coast without interruption; for by this time Martinet’s squadron was all come away. The Solomon’s good success gave them such incouragement that they immediately fitted out fourteen sail together; all which arrived in the South-Sea beginning the year 1721: three of whose commanders having the best acquaintance among the Creolians, quickly sold their cargos and returnd home.
About this time the people of Lima judged the English privatiers were gone off the coast, at least that no more hostilities would be committed, because of the truce made between the two crowns. Whereupon the three Spanish men of war fitted out chiefly to cruise on us, were orderd against these fresh interlopers. I was on board the Advice boat calld the Flying Fish in company with the said three men of war, when they came up with the eleven sail of St. Malo men altogether on the coast of Chili; and instead of firing upon them, the Spaniards joynd them like friends. The French expecting to be attackt, kept all together in a line and dared the men of war to begin. This to me seemd new, that three such ships purposely fitted for this cruise, should on their own coast decline doing their duty: for had they proved too weak they had ports of their own under their lee. In short, the men of war contented themselves to watch the others motion, keeping them always in sight: and when any of the French ships steerd to the shore, the Spaniards sent their pinnace or long boat with the Spanish flag hoisted; the sight of which effectually deterrd the Creoles from treating or trading with the French. Thus they made shift to hinder all these ships disposing of their goods: except they were met by chance at sea and sold some clandestinely. At length, being tired out, the Frenchmen got leave to take in provision, and went home with at least half their goods unsold. Notwithstanding all this and the severe edicts against it in France, I know they still continue the trade, tho’ privately: nor is it probable they will ever leave off so sweet a commerce, except some other power prevent it.
With these remarks I shall bring this book to a conclusion; having indeavourd through the whole, to make all the subjects agreeable: even the controversial part of it, as it was unavoidable, I hope is inoffensive. After all my difficulties and sufferings, my personal pain and anxiety of mind, I have one pleasure remaining; which is gratefully to thank those gentlemen who used me and my ship-mates with great kindness and generosity while it was our fate to be confined in so remote a part of the world.
Don Pedro Midranda the admiral who took us, used us with great humanity, and permitted me to eat with him while aboard.
Monsieur de Grange his second captain who gave me a whole sute of apparel as soon as we were taken, having been stript by the soldiers that first boarded us.
Don Jeronimo Baldevieso and Don Antonio Chierose, who handsomly entertaind three of us at Piura at the admiral’s request, before we were sent to Lima.
Captain Nicholas Fitzgerald who passd his word for me at Lima; entertaind me in his house; gave me money and all necessaries during the eleven months I was there, and afterwards gave me and twenty more our passage to Cales, and wages to those who workd.
Don Juan Baptista Palacio a worthy Spaniard of Biscay, knight of the order of St. James, who came weekly to the prison at Lima, and gave money to all our men as well as Clipperton’s, according to their degree.
To captain John Evers of the Britannia, who gave me his table and my passage to London.
And to the following persons of honour and worth who presented me ten guineas each upon my appearance in London, as a token of their concern for my hardships.