William Betagh — A Voyage Round The World

SECTION III.

Here I resume the history of my captain, whom I left cruising off Payta; while Hatley, I, and the rest of us were taken by admiral Midranda, otherwise call’d general of the South-Sea.

Shelvocke having hitherto failed of making his fortune, begins now to think it too late, at least for this season. The scheme of our voyage is at an end; the enemy is alarm’d; their ships all laid up, except the two Spanish men of war which are in quest of the English privatiers: and Shelvocke probably would now be glad of his commodore Clipperton’s company. But finding as he says p. 199, his circumstances to be in an extreme melancholy posture; he sails back to windward, and resolves upon a new experiment, which was to get rid of the owners ship, and cruise upon a new bottom: thereby thinking to intitle himself to all he should get, exclusive of us prisoners and the gentlemen at home. And this is captain Shelvocke’s law and, conscience, and the real shift he now makes to dispute it with the gentlemen who fitted him out.

Accordingly he sails to Fernandes, where he arriv’d the beginning of May, being winter in that hemisphere. He was too good a seaman to believe he could ride it out the remaining part of the winter, in a wild road, destitute of any kind of shelter, and exposed to strong gusts of northerly winds which frequently blow there in that season: he well knew there was no meddling with the coast for the enemies men of war: therefore he makes half the tour of the island, seemingly to push her into some creek; after which, he comes to in the usual place, with only one anchor to trust to; for he had taken care to have no more. Here the ship rode several days safe enough: and during his stay, seventeen of his men are sent ashore, while others were imploy’d in getting off water to favour a false design of going to sea again: and under this pretence of watering, both now and after, many things of value were secretly carry’d ashore, which the people in general wonder’d to see there, and could not imagine who brought them. However, the more effectually to put his project in execution, he weighs from this place, and comes to anchor close in shore: upon which his people unanimously fear some very odd mischievous design, and suddenly recollect how they had often heard him say, That it was not difficult living at Fernandes, if a man should accidentally be thrown there, since Mr. Selkirk had continu’d upon it four years by himself.

Possest with these things, the people were amaz’d, that their captain would leave a clear berth and good anchoring to venture farther in, where it was foul and rocky; and where if the cable parted there could be but little hopes to save the ship: whereas in their first situation they had clear anchoring, room and drift enough to get their tacks aboard, to claw it off either to the east or westward. As soon as the anchor was down, Mr. Brook the first lieutenant advised flinging two of their heaviest guns, which, in case of losing the anchor, might bring her up a little ’till they could set the sails: But Shelvocke rejected all these things with a stedfast tranquillity, and now says he had no opportunity of getting to sea in four days, tho’ he was ready: which I am sure is an absurdity wants clearing up, p. 205. Moreover, how can Shelvocke impose this sham readiness on mankind, when his seventeen hands are all at this time on the island, and who he owns came down so seasonably to his assistance, as soon as the ship touched the shore? Here, he says, a hard gale of wind came from the sea, which brought in such a tumbling swell, that in a few hours the cable parted, the ship struck, and all the masts went overboard.

This is the plausible reason he gives for losing his ship, being a wind rais’d only in his brain, and of his own invention: for ’tis a most notorious falshood, to say, there was any gale when the cable parted: all his people have in one word assur’d me and many others to the contrary. And Shelvocke very well knew, that if he should be catched by a gale in that perilous road-stead, and so poorly found with ground tackle, they must all inevitably have perish’d, by reason of the prodigious breach the sea makes in any thing of weather against the sunken rocks and stones all along the shore. He therefore took care to secure all their lives by destroying his ship in fine serene weather, which the ingenious captain perform’d by bringing a spring on his cable, with which he hove his ship’s broadside against the swell, and kept her in that position ’till the cable was tore asunder. Mr. Dod, who pretends not to be a seaman, says, that about three hours before the ship went ashore, some hands were at work on the quarter deck hawling in a hawser which was made fast to the cable; and that he inquir’d of Gilbert Henderson the gunner, what that was for? Henderson answer’d him, that if he would be rightly inform’d, he must go and ask the captain. To confirm this, several of his people have made affidavit, that it blew no wind at all, that every soul of them got commodiously ashore, and that it’s their belief he lost the ship on purpose: and its remarkable, he made not one tryal to prevent it.

Soon as the cable parted, Mr. Laport his third lieutenant seeing immediate ruine, cry’d out, Set the foresail; hoping thereby to do some good: and while Edmund Philips and others were actually upon the yard, Shelvocke hastily order’d them down, and taking the helm in his hand, said, Ne’re mind it boys; stand all fast, i’ll lay her on a feather bed: which, as it proved a plaguy hard one, shews his great indifference as to the event of the ship.

Page 26. He brags of his being thirty years an officer in the navy: what then must we say to a man of such experience, who will lavishly destroy two or three ships, and save not an anchor and cable for a time of need? There’s nothing can excuse it, but owning what I have been proving. Either way it’s very bad: his judgment and his honesty being both in great danger.

Another circumstance comes in here—When we met La Jonquiere at St. Catherine’s, Shelvocke procur’d of him a pair of smith’s bellows and forge, p. 29, which at that time we could see no manner of occasion for: but without them, ’tis now evident, he could never have made bolts, spikes, nails and other iron work for a barque able to carry fifty or sixty men to sea; and in short, without the bellows, he could never have begun such a piece of work at all. I am sure none of us mistrusted then, that the Speedwel was to be lost; tho’ our captain had a greater foresight, and provided accordingly. Sometimes indeed, large burdensome ships that strain and labour much in a grown sea, and often snap their bolts and chainplates, may want such a thing; but a lively handy vessel like ours of 170 ton, had no more occasion for a pair of smith’s bellows than a great cathedral organ.

I offer not these things as clear demonstrations, but circumstances only; for it is impossible in this case to go farther: and there’s no room for any other sort of proof in a fact where a man has no conspirators, but keeps all the design in his own breast.

In short the ship struck several times and bulg’d. The captain and his men all got ashore: he says one was lost; but it is utterly false: and how wretched so ever he has painted their lives and conversation, the reader will but little regard what he writes: for it is certain he saved all that was most valuable; particularly sugar and powder, both which are damaged as soon any thing. He sav’d but little provision; because that is always stow’d in the hold: but he rememberd to get out his commission, with all the plate and money. What else could he expect? He used to say it was easy living at Fernandes, but now ’tis to serve another turn, he says quite other things.

Here they put themselves under the Jamaica discipline; and divided among them every shilling of the money laid by before for the Owners, and all our shares left in the ships by us who were taken prisoners: and the only reason Shelvocke gives for this, is the old story, his men would have it so: but I that have most reason of any man living to know him best, shall prove that Shelvocke lost not a tittle of his command after the shipwreck: for after they had put themselves on the model aforesaid, whereby he says the captains are allow’d but four shares; he could manage it so, as to have six. And whatever hardships he may sham the reader with, p. 223, those six proportions are much better now, than sixty before. For pray consider, the gentlemen Owners are intirely excluded; who were to have one half of all the capture; and then he has got rid of more than half his ship’s company, among whom Hatley, as second captain, was intituled to thirty shares; my self to twenty, the two mates, the surgeon’s mate, the ensign, a serjeant and corporal of marines, besides the foremastmen. All these shares, I say, being deducted, besides reducing three more of his chief officers, La Port, Hendrie and Dod, two of which afterwards quitted the ship, does not all this make it evident, that six shares, where there are but 52 dividends of the whole capture are better than 60 where there are 650 dividends of half the capture? This shews how greatly Shelvocke would impose upon mankind, and is a confirmation that it was his aim and his interest to destroy the ship; and bring about this new regulation.

As to the whole trifling account of his transactions at Fernandes taking up above fifty pages of his book, as it is little to me; I shall take but little notice of it: leaving the reader to amuse himself with it at leisure. He has taken pains all along to make us believe, that the shipwreck was not his own act and deed, by representing the hardships he was exposed to ashore, from the dissention of his people, the barreness of the place, and the improbability of his getting well to sea again: But this is all artifice, to make the reader imagine, that no man would run himself voluntarily into so many difficulties. It is certain they liv’d poor enough upon the island; but having good carpenters, caulkers, smiths, and all proper workmen, he continually imploy’d them upon the main point: which was to get a new bark built out of the old ship; in order to make a private fortune in a more expeditious manner, than he could before: as I shall demonstrate by and by, when I shew my reader the written account of their acquisition, and how they shard it on the coast of Mexico; tho’ Shelvocke has conceal’d it. One thing I must not forget, p. 225, he says that Mr. Brook having got the love of the people; was named to be their future commander: but as it did not take place, I shall shew how Shelvocke took care it never should, by making away with him and five more at Sansonate.

However, I must not quit him without a story I lately had from Mr. Hendrie, which shews how he was divested of his authority, as he calls it, p. 219. Captain Shelvocke maintaind as absolute sway at Fernandes, as before, till the tenth of June came about. The men knowing what affection the captain had for that anniversary, some of them begd to have the small arms to celebrate the day in the most dutiful manner they could: upon which Shelvocke readily consented; and those who did not care to assist at it, diverted themselves about the island, not knowing but a civil war might be the consequence. So, a bonfire was made steeple high, the loyal subjects wearing artificial roses of linen rags and paper, while several cordial vollies and huzzas were let off; Shelvocke himself being captain of the mob, and his son George the skinker to fill out the liquor. But, what sower’d the festival was, they had nothing to drink the Chevalier’s health in, but vinegre, water and sugar, being the best punch they could get. At the close of this rejoycing, the captain demanded their muskets; but the men were wise enough to keep them, the scheme having been chiefly laid for that purpose.

In short, on the fifth of October 1720, the bark is completed, launched, and calld the Recovery. And thus by giving her a new name, captain Shelvocke has the new fashiond assurance to tell mankind that the Owners title is quite sunk, as if there never had been any such thing: tho’ he still proceded with the king’s commission, being the property of the Owners; and is the same which he afterwards producd at China, as a protection for his own person, and a security for all that he had rapaciously got together.

And whereas, p. 216, he affectedly says, that the men in a body thank’d him for giving them a prospect of deliverance; I think it very improbable that the men would be so courtly, when above twenty of them chose to remain upon the island. And whereas again, p. 242, he insinuates that they who stay’d behind were afraid to venture in the new bark; I think it much more natural to suppose, they had rather stay upon that island and trust to the mercies of providence, than be made the certain tools of Shelvocke’s tyranny and self interest.

My captain’s first enterprize was with the Margarita, p. 262, he calls her a forty gun ship; which at that rate could not burthen less than 400 ton. In this I can confront him of my own authority: for I was aboard this ship afterwards at Callao, and she never carried above 200 ton and eighteen guns: but Shelvocke wisely magnifys her force, because her geting clear might bring no other slur upon his captainship: whereas she certainly escaped thro’ his own fear: for after his gunner was kill’d he took the helm in his hand from Christopher Hawkins, and puting it hard down, sheer’d off from her. P. 279, he says, he heard the captain and three of the Margarita’s men were killd in the action; which is so far from truth, that they had none kill’d, and only a Nigro wounded in the cheek. They had not above a dozen cartridges of powder aboard, and two or three small arms belonging to the passengers, with only stones or ballast for shot. The commander of her was a Frenchman, who told it me all at Callao: beside which, captain Opie in the Carteret brought from Buenos Aires one of the Margarita’s passengers, who told the story to fifty gentlemen about town.

David Griffith, who went with Shelvocke to China, confirms all the above particulars. He has been with me since his arrival in London, and says that captain Morel, who was afterwards taken aboard the Conception, declared there was a man in the Margarita, who stood ready by the colours immediately to strike, if captain Shelvocke could have taken courage to board her. David further assures me, that Shelvocke’s whole account of that story is to excuse his own faint heart: for whereas he talks of his animating the men, and their backwardness to fight, it is a mean pitiful forgery; for the men were unanimous for boarding the enemy; and Shelvocke shamefully refused it; took the helm and sheerd off.

His next feat is plundering the village of Iquique; where he got a good quantity of provision, wine and brandy: immediately after which he meets with and attacks the Francisco Palacio a large merchant ship: and Shelvocke by this time being somewhat potvaliant, I believe he did his indeavour to carry her; but she provd too big for his bark. However his main purpose being to change his new baptized vessel, as soon as he could, he quickly met with an opportunity that succeded. Standing into the road of Pisco, they discover a good ship: whereupon Shelvocke summons his people, who came to a resolution to board her at once; which they luckily performd without resistance. This prize was calld Jesu Maria of 200 ton, laden with pitch, tar and copper: so that our freebooters decently quit their slight new tenement for a good, clean, weatherproof habitation. It seems the Spaniard offerd 16000 dollars for her again: but Shelvocke’s people were certainly in the right to keep the prize; for considering their circumstance, no money at that time could be an equivalent.

A way he sails to Payta in the Jesu Maria, where the most important thing I find, is the reflexion he makes upon the conduct of captain Clipperton, who he says refused a booty of 400,000 dollars, king’s money, which lay there in the governer’s hands.

Here Shelvocke gives another great example of his ignorance; for to my experience, who was first set there ashore, after being a prisoner; I know very well that the place is poor and without a governer, having no trade whereby any duties, worth mentioning, can arise to his Catholic Majesty: There is indeed a head man (as there is in all places) called Teniente, who makes a hard shift to live by exacting port charges and other small fees from the vessels that touch there only for refreshments, and to put their pedlars ashore. Clipperton knew this very well, and was too prudent to make a fresh broil upon the coast for nothing at all, and that’s the reason he never touchd there; tho’ Shelvocke has magnified himself so much upon it, and has absurdly connected two facts together, which happend at a year’s distance: For the first time the Success was in the parallel of Payta, was Nov. 1719; and the second time Nov. 1720, as appears plainly by Taylor’s journal: and yet this ignorant book-writer, p. 188 and 288, has mention’d Clipperton’s puting prisoners ashore there in Nov. 1719, being the first time: whereas the prisoners he designd to put ashore was in Nov. 1720, a twelve month afterwards; which however he did not; but landed them at Cape Helen; as specifyd in the journal the 2d. section of this voyage. He is very right to assert that which no one can doubt of, when he says Clipperton might have taken Payta as easily as he did; and so might any vessel, sending ashore six armed men, for there’s no such thing as firearms, being a naked village of defenceless Indians. But it is endless for me to set the public right in every fact of Shelvocke’s history; for as the whole is divided into voluntary falshood and plain ignorance, his book may more justly be calld a romantic libel than a journal.

His next arrival is at the island of Quibo, p. 303; where he talks of a terrible sort of hogs with their navels upon their backs; for my part I don’t easily believe such out of the way things; but refer our captain Quibo to dispute it with the physicians and anatomists.

In their passage hither he says his men frequently got drunk and quareld; and that he went in danger of his life, and used to have his clothes tore from his back, if he endeavourd to part them. This too may be a very important discovery to the rest of his readers; but I my self know him so well that it is no news to me: for Shelvocke used to make freer with the wine and brandy than any one; and I believe his men thought it no harm to follow his example and drink their skins full, especially since their new establishment was more like a commonwealth than an absolute monarchy.

During these useful discoveries of our author, I think ’tis pity any thing should interrupt him; but as the devil would have it, Jan. 1721, he meets captain Clipperton in the Success, which interview he says was very astonishing: And truly I believe it was: Clipperton might well be surprized at the history of Shelvocke’s management; and Shelvocke had as great reason to wonder the other did not confine him for it: And I can tell him the gentlemen here at home wondered at it, and took it ill that he did not. But what astonishes me most, is that Shelvocke has the hardiness to give us the history of captain Mitchel, for the truth of which he appeals to a dead man, Mr. Davison, who told him so; which Davison was killd at Guam before Shelvocke came to China. The tragical circumstances, as he calls them, p. 309, of a jealousy between Clipperton and Mitchel; of the later’s being orderd with a rich cargo to a place no where to be found, and yet orderd thither on purpose to be destroyd, are reflexions so malicious, and yet so irrational, that Shelvocke must be fuddled when he writ them.

The journal tells us how he was fitted out, and whither bound; that his cargo was ten thousand pound value: is it possible then, supposing a real misunderstanding, that Clipperton would pay so dear to get rid of the gentleman? ’Tis certain he never imbarked his men in lighters or in empty prizes with any design to make away with them, as Shelvocke served us: captain Mitchel was put aboard a clean ship, well mand, and provided with stores and necessaries, and a valuable parcel of goods to dispose of at Brasil for the Owners advantage in order to secure them something: and it is true that neither he nor the twenty three men with him were ever yet heard of: But how is Clipperton chargeable with that? or what excuse can Shelvocke make for these impious reflexions, but a sort of pleasure he has in being revenged on the memory of the dead. Thus far Mitchel may be accounted for: The journal March 16th. 1720. tells us that being obliged to wood and water, he touched to the northward, at port Velas; where it’s very probable he and his men became a prey to the enemy: for the said article mentions that several of Clipperton’s men saw some shirts and other things worn by the natives, which by the mark convinced them Mitchel had been there. Shelvocke goes on in this childish manner, p. 308. talking of submersions of islands, and that it was conjectured Mitchel and his men, the ship, the island and all were sunk under water: This likewise he says was Mr. Davison’s opinion; who I know had more sense than to say or think any such silly thing. He says farther that Clipperton never cleand his ship, whereas the journal takes notice of his having done it two or three times; besides several others omitted by me, as not for my design to transcribe every such trifling remark. As for Clipperton’s behaviour at Conception, Coquimbo, and afterwards at Guam it was ill judged no doubt: and tho’ it was so, I have impartially enterd it in my second section, it being much more for my purpose to tell the truth, than to stifle it: But let it be as it will; he certainly had the Owners interest in view, and thought honesty the best policy; though captain Shelvocke has taken leave to think otherwise. On the next leaf he says, that upon meeting the Success he expected to be treated by them as one belonging to the same interest; but found himself mistaken. Truly there’s nothing strange in that; for his was a private interest, and theirs a public one. Besides, the journal says, that he would not come into terms: which is answer enough to all his complaints of unkindness, treachery, and so forth.

After meeting with the Success several times in the South Seas, I come now to the last time of their meeting, which was in March 1721. off of Acapulco; whereas the journal mentions, it was thought most adviseable to joyn both companies, and attempt the great Manilla ship. As to the remarks that Shelvocke has made upon this transaction, and the pains he has taken to represent Clipperton a monstrous creature, ’tis not to be minded. The journal says, the proposal to Shelvocke was this, That if he and his crew would refund all the money shared among themselves contrary to the Owners articles, and put it in a joint stock; then all faults should be forgot, both companies would unite and procede to cruise for the Acapulco ship: The very next article in the journal is, that not hearing from captain Shelvocke, and the time for the Acapulco ship setting out for Manilla, being several days past; Resolved in council to make our best dispatch for East India. Here is the plain true account of the affair, and how the treaty broke off: but Shelvocke has labourd hard to pervert the truth of this fact, as he has done all the rest, thinking to gain pity from mankind, by telling what he sufferd through the deceit of Clipperton, never expecting that these things would be refuted and clear’d up. Besides, there may be other reasons assignd for Clipperton’s sudden separation, tho’ not enterd in the journal: for he knew, before he left England, that the Spanish fleet was all taken and destroyd by admiral Byng; and therefore a peace was probably concluded, being two years past: and therefore Shelvocke, who had not made his fortune while the war lasted, and had really ruind the project, ought of the two to be the sufferer. ’Tis very likely, Clipperton for these reasons did not care to imbarrass his ship just upon the point of his leaving the South-Sea; but on second thoughts, concluded it was better to keep what he had got. These, I say, are very fair conjectures: but the reason mentiond in the journal above is sufficient of it self; for Shelvocke thought the conditions proposed by Clipperton were too strict: He did not care to refund what he had unlawfully shared, which doubtless he ought to have done; and for the neglect of which, ’tis evident the whole affair ended.

P. 321, Shelvocke talks of articles which he demanded of Clipperton and Godfrey: That in case they took this rich prize, he and his people should be intitled to their proper shares, according to their first agreement with the Owners: This in my humble opinion is a great weakness in Shelvocke to publish, tho’ he passes for a cunning fellow: for why should he insist upon a repetition or confirmation of the first articles with the gentlemen Owners, if he was not conscious of his having, some how or other, forfeited his right by a notorious mismanagement and breach of trust?

P. 327. He concludes this long invective with a smart reflexion upon Clipperton, that it was his fear to ingage the Manilla ship, which made him recede from the proposal. For my part, I really think he had reason to fear it, having twice narrowly escaped the men of war already: and since Shelvocke refused to put his plunder money in the common stock, why should Clipperton risk all he had, to mend another man’s fortune? Shelvocke most certainly would have been glad of so great an addition to his capture, as the Acapulco ship must have afforded; and I doubt not he would have run away with a very handsome share of it, as he has done with all he took both before and after: and now he is bitterly vext with Clipperton, because the bite did not take.

Shelvocke’s next exploit is at Sansonate; where finding a ship at anchor call’d the Holy Family he attacks her, and after some resistance takes her: She proved no great prize: but being a better sailer, he thought fit to shift the cargo of the Jesu Maria, and change ships with the Spaniard.

Shelvocke says p. 331, that this ship was fitted out and commission’d on purpose to take him; and would have us believe he has performed wonders in the ingagement. I own I am at a loss to account for this man’s extravagant assurance, when he and I, and every body knows the viceroy never grants commissions to merchantmen. There were three men of war out already; and had this been a commission ship, there would have been officers and sailors aboard making a regular force of 150 men at least; who would never have submitted, especially in the condition they found Shelvocke. He owns himself it was a merchantman, and yet stupidly says they were commission’d to take him.

Just as he was going to sea, he receives a letter from the governer with notice that there was a truce between England and Spain; wherein he demanded restitution of the ship and cargo; on refusal of which he should be declared a pyrate. Tho’ Shelvocke did not depend upon this for truth; yet being greatly reduced and wanting all necessaries of life, he was willing in some measure to treat about it. He sends ashore lieutenant Brook his next officer with five men under a flag of truce; who were immediately made prisoners.

Thus he gets rid of six more of his people, under the show of a treaty with the governer, for they were never since heard of. I don’t expect the world will judge of this affair as I do, because those who are ignorant of the circumstances of these things, and unacquainted with Shelvocke’s personal behaviour, cannot make a proper censure. When a man dies in a course of physic, who knows whether ’tis chance, or design in the doctor? the patient is gone by legal prescription. So here a gentleman is fairly orderd ashore into an enemy’s hand: and if he never returns, who can say it is a design or accident? Thus much is certain, they went without a hostage, tho’ Shelvocke always had strong notions of the Spaniards resentment, and their manner of revenge; especially in Mexico, where the Indians are the cruelest people alive. And while he was speaking of Mitchel’s story, we find him quick enough to leave it past doubt, that he and his men perishd in some obscure manner: and yet he must now send a young gentleman ashore into the clutches of this enemy, at a time when he knew the whole coast was exasperated, and himself destitute of all common necessaries; with a very indifferent force, and consequently not able to resent any affront, much less to avenge himself on the governer, in case he detaind Brook and his men. Shelvocke immediately before and after this acted in a hostile manner on that coast; and even in their view he took this ship called the Holy Family, where the countermaster lost his life: so that if poor Brook and his men were sacrific’d by way of atonement, ’tis no severe supposition. For my own part, I know he hated Brook, for adhering to the constitution of his country; and because he could not digest the jacobite healths, that Shelvocke usd to drink: I have observed before, how he abused him for discovering Clipperton’s name on the tree, when we first touchd at Fernandes; and Shelvocke himself explains the jealousy he had of him, when they were there the second time: all which being considerd, I leave those to make inferences, who have been long in the world, and studyd mankind.

There’s another gentleman this author has made free with, Randal by name, Brook’s brother in law, who having gone round the world with Shelvocke was arrested by the Owners at his landing, as were several others, and secured in the King’s bench prison, where he died. This lieutenant Randal has not escaped the malice of his pen; but in many places of the book, is very ill treated. And I cannot help observing that a great part of captain Shelvocke’s voyage is libelling the dead: such as Clipperton, Davison, Randal, and others. This way of accusing is infamous, and abhorrd by all civilized nations; which I hope is some excuse, for my appearing in their defense: and tho’ I can but poorly perform the office, yet what I do offer, is founded upon certain knowledge and truth.

Before I leave this prize calld the Holy Family, I must inform the reader, that Shelvocke, far from having any merit in taking her, ought to have lost the command of his own ship for deserting his post upon the quarter deck. After two or three of his men were wounded, Shelvocke expecting warm work, sculkd with his son behind the boat which lay upon the main deck; and left David Griffith alone to ply the gun upon quarter deck: for which desertion, Griffith ought in justice to have succeded as captain of the ship. Moreover, whenever Shelvocke ventured from the said barricade and judged a shot was coming, he would skilfully plant himself behind the main mast, leaving David by himself to fight the Philistines. But to return.

Shelvocke unable to get provision at Sansonate, retires with fresh apprehensions that he must be forced to surrender whether peace or war; and chose therefore to go to Panama, where he hoped for tolerable usage, there being an English factory: And what excuse can he invent for not going there before the loss of these six men? Conscious of his guilt, he frames a long protest against the governer’s procedings, which doubtless is a thing all invented since, and no original. Accordingly he steers away for the gulf of Amapala, where among the islands he hoped for a recruit of water; but found none: and being now indeed in a deplorable condition, forced to drink the sea water or their own urine; they agree, weak as they are, to bear away again for Quibo to get water. In their way to this place, they providentially met with a small supply at the isle of Cano, with the apparent hazard of Randal’s life. For Shelvocke, tho’ he was so liberal with the lives of other men, took care of his son, tall boy George, and his minion Stewart, keeping them safe aboard; and never orderd either of them ashore when there was any appearance of danger; nor is there one instance of it in all his book. At last with miserable difficulties they reach Quibo, where they wood and water at leisure; thinking however still to surrender at Panama, if fortune did not throw some agreeable prize in their way, which happend very soon: For a few days after they left Quibo, a small bark laden with beef and pork fell accidentally into their hands, taking them for Spaniards: Tho’ she proved a lucky prize to Shelvocke, at a time when his people were near starving, and had not provision enough to hold them to China, yet he tells us p. 266, that they were all so tired of the sea, and past hopes of making a considerable dividend of money, that they chose rather to go ashore at any rate and surrender.

While things were in this doubtful state, and nothing material happend for three days; but it was really expected a period must be put to Shelvocke’s privatiering, a sail presented her self standing along shore to Panama, which he immediately gave chase to, leaving the bark which he had in tow, with four of his men and five Nigros to take care of her. He made all the sail he could ’till night, when fearing the chafe would give him the slip, he advised, as he says, bringing to, that the bark might come up again; but having otherwise resolved, they continued their sail all night. Early the next morning, being the 20th of May, he came up with the chase, and after a small dispute carryd her. I must not omit that when they returnd to the bark, they found her quite deserted, and the decks coverd with blood: so that he has now four more of his men destroyd, and leaves it past question that they were murderd. After which he would patch the story up with an idle supposition, that the Spanish crew he left in the bark all jumpd into the sea and drownd themselves: Is it not as easy to imagine they saw a boat coming by before they acted the murder? or if not, ’tis common for the natives of that part of the world to swim several leagues. All people naturally secure their method of escape before they commit a violence of this nature: and I am sure ’tis a more rational conjecture, than to think they would destroy the English first, and murder themselves afterwards. Shelvocke crys out it was a cruel return for his civilities, having lent them these four men to assist them, p. 374. Sure this cannot be captain Shelvocke himself, but his son Georgy who talks of sending men aboard a prize out of civility. This is such a sort of complaisance, as when an officer takes the defendents goods in execution, and out of pure good nature sends a man into the house to keep possession. Such stuff as this is worth reading for the great rarity of it; but who would ever expect to meet with it in a book calld A voyage round the world. He goes on and says, “It seemd strange to me, that our men should suffer themselves or run the least hazard of exposing themselves to be thus butcherd.” Indeed, captain, I believe they could not help it; otherwise it would have been somewhat strange: and I am apt to fancy no man alive can help it when he is overpowerd. But what sort of language is this, “to run the least hazard of exposing themselves to be thus butcherd?” Did you ever hear of peoples voluntary exposing themselves to have their throats cut? Did not he hazard and expose the men who left them there without an officer? Shelvocke’s reason why this seemd strange is as good as the rest; for says he, they were four in number! a mighty number indeed against a ship’s crew. He owns they were five Spaniards, and there might be ten for any thing we know: it was certainly for his purpose to lessen the number: and why might not the five Nigros joyn in the massacre upon certain views and promises? I have as much reason to suppose the one as the other. But the whole story is such a piece of dull thinking and poor language, that ’tis time I have done with it.

THIS being the great crisis of captain Shelvocke’s voyage, I shall be more particular in relating the affair of this last prize, which will open the most notorious scene of villany and deceit that has appeard yet, p. 371. The ship was called the Conception, Don Stephen de Recova commander bound from Callao to Panama having on board several persons of distinction, particularly the Conde de la Rosa a Spanish nobleman who had been sometime governer of Pisco and was now going home to Spain: “laden with flower, sugar, marmalade, peaches, grapes, limes, etcætera.” Now, Be it known to ALL MEN, That, that et cætera was A hundred and eight thousand six hundred and thirty six pieces of eight: and Shelvocke little thought when he took this prize or compiled his book, that I of all men should have this exact state of the affair. He often said, he would never give the gentlemen Owners a fair account; and I have often promised in this treatise to prove that he did say so; and now we have both made our words good. I have not only an authentic account; but I’ll declare also how I got it. When I was taken and carried prisoner to Lima, I had leisure enough to reflect on my misfortunes: how likely I was to be ruind, and the Owners to be cheated. So that to prepare them in defense of their rights, I wrote over to one of them the substance of what had occurrd to me: how Shelvocke had mismanaged; how arbitrarily he had acted in defiance of their articles, and what his private intentions were in the future part of the voyage. As soon as I came to London, which was in October 1721, I confirmd the purport of my letter with several new circumstances. For all which performance of my duty, I do suppose my name has met with so much accusation and reproach in captain Shelvocke’s book. But beside my advices, the gentlemen had many proofs from other prisoners and other people. Eleven months after, being August, captain Shelvocke himself arrived, and waits immediately on the said gentleman to compound in the lump for all his transactions; not owning any thing of this prize, which he had unlawfully shared, and every thing else among three and thirty of them. Instead of compromising the matter, the gentleman read him my letter, secured him, and the same day had him confined in Wood-street counter. A few days after his pupil Stewart arrives at Dover, and was seized by the honest warden of the castle according to directions; who faithfully secured his book of accounts and brought it with the prisoner to the Owners, from whom I had the book and copyd the dividend, which is as follows.

Names.

Quality

Number
of Shares.

Dollars.

English Money.

George Shelvocke

Commander

11325

2642 10 00

Samuel Randal

Lieutenant

2½

4718

1100 17 4 each.

John Rayner

Capt. Marines

2½

4718

Blowfield Coldsea

Master

2½

4718

Nicholas Adams

Surgeon

2½

4718

Matthew Stewart

First Mate

3775

880 16 8 each.

Monsieur Laporte

2 Mate

3775

George Henshal

Boatswain

3775

Robert Davenport

Carpenter

3775

William Clark

Gunner

3775

James Daniel

Midshipman

1½

2830

660 00 00 each.

David Griffith

Ditto

1½

2830

Christop. Hawkins

Ditto

1½

2830

Oliver Lefevre

Sail Maker

1½

2830

John Doydge

Surgeons Mt.

1½

2830

William Morgan

Ditto

1½

2830

John Popplestone

Armourer

1½

2830

James Moyet

Cooper

1½

2830

John Pearson

Carpent. Mt.

1½

2830

Geo. Shelvocke jun.

Nothing

1½

2830

William Clement

Able Seaman

1887¼

440 7 2 each.

John Norris

Ditto

1887¼

James Moulville

Ditto

1887¼

George Gill

Ditto

1887¼

Peter Fero

Ditto

1887¼

John Smith

Ditto

1887¼

Edward Atcocks

Ditto

1887¼

John Theobald

Barber

1887¼

William Burrows

Ord. Seaman

1415¾

330 6 10 each.

Daniel mac Donald

Ditto

1415¾

Richard Croft

Ditto

1415¾

John Robins

Grommet

943¾

220 04 02 each.

Benedict Harry

Cook

943¾

52¼

98604¾

23007 15 6

Here the reader perceives the sum total of this dividend to be short of what I said the capture amounted to: but in order to set that matter right, there is a secret article of 627 quadruples of gold, which Shelvocke graciously shared among private friends; each of which quadruple or double doubloon is worth sixteen dollars or pieces of eight,

dollars

And makes in
the whole

10032

which at 4 s. and
8 d. each, makes

2340

which being
added to the

98604¾

—— or ——

23007

makes

108636¾

—— or ——

25348

All which money Shelvocke has the prodigious modesty to conceal; and only says the prize was laden with flower, sugar, fruit, &c. Stewart’s book mentions the 627 doubloons, but not a word how they were divided. So that we must imagine them to be sunk among both the Shelvockes and Stewart: perhaps Adams came in for a little. For as Stewart was agent, cashier and paymaster, it was an easy matter to hide a bag of gold from the public, and dispose of it afterwards in a committee of two or three.

When Shelvocke orderd me upon that expedition in the lighter, as I gave my fortune over for lost, so I judged my person to be in a very precarious condition: and thinking my money safer in the Speedwel, I deliverd it to Mr. Hendrie the former agent, being about 350 dollars: for I little dreamd of the scheme that Shelvocke had formd, to lose the ship and seize all for himself; but that if my money came to England I should have it some time or other. However, all these effects were shared at Fernandes, as aforementioned. So among other things I left a wig with John Theobald the barber on the list, who sold it afterwards to Coldsea the master for ten dollars: but as soon as Theobald found me out in London, he honestly came and paid me the money, and told me his share of this prize was as it stands in the account: but he knew nothing of the second dividend.

By the above account it’s plain Shelvocke’s dividend of the silver taken in the Conception de Recova came to 2642 l. 10 s. of which he afterwards made thirty per cent. in China, reckoning at a medium; for sometimes it is there at forty, but never under twenty five. The gold he doubtless brought home, being there less than value. He sold the ship for about 650 pound; but says, p. 457. he paid twice that sum for port charges: and therefore I don’t place it to account; tho’ I know very well he had wit enough to make all his people contribute. And, as there is no minding what he says, it was certainly for his purpose when he writ the book, to lessen that money he sold his ship for, and to swell the sum he paid for anchorage. For why should he pay 2166 pound port charges, and Clipperton but 396, as Taylor’s journal mentions, when we all know Shelvocke’s was but a merchant ship, and Clipperton’s a warlike ship, carrying forty guns and above three times the number of hands! This great disparity, and the reason I just now mentiond, makes my captain strongly suspected: but however, as I am not certain, I shall reckon nothing for it. Add to this the amount of the St. Fermin and other prizes taken on the coast of Chili, which was at least 2000 pound, all shared as before, tho’ not set down. Then lastly, the ship’s cargo is unaccounted for, which he gently slips over, and forgets he ownd, p. 313, it was a valuable one. This is intirely his own perquisit and pocket-money; for as no soul but himself can now tell what that value was, or what he made of it: I can only remain an unhappy, ignorant, injured sufferer; and wonder that so much baseness and treachery can appear, and yet live unpunisht.

From all which particulars it is evident captain Shelvocke has secured to himself and brought to England a great sum of money, being neither his merit, nor his due: and tho’ he is probably possest of much more than we can make out, yet even Stewart himself assured me, that Shelvocke could not be less than seven thousand pound gainer by the voyage.

P. 371, he says this was the second of those warlike merchant ships that was fitted out in an extraordinary manner and commissiond to take him. This is another instance of his vain-glory and absurdity, and is sufficiently answerd by referring to what I said about the other ship calld The Holy Family, which he also said was commissiond to take him. But how particularly silly it appears in this case, let any one judge that reads it. Can it be believed or imagined that the Conde de la Rosa, whose property this money chiefly was, would venture so great a sum aboard a ship that was commissiond to take a privatier? I never heard, nor the oldest man alive, that a ship fitted out for warlike enterprize, was stored with money instead of ammunition. Suppose two or three honest fellows were equipt to take a highwayman that had long infested the roads and plagued the country; can any one believe they would furnish their pockets with half crowns instead of a pair of pistols? Sure Shelvocke must take his reader for an Ignoramus; and having lost all morals himself, thinks other people have lost their senses.

After this, I think, I need not be very studious to prove captain Shelvocke a sad fellow. I have hitherto labourd diligently; but now I believe his and my readers will come easily on my side. This fact is too flagrant to be denyd: ’tis self-evident and known to every body. All the anteceding circumstances of his voyage are mean dishonest actions, tending to this one perfidious end: and whoever reads his preface after seeing this account, must read it with indignation. What pretense has he there to talk of reputation, truth and integrity? P. 31, he councils all those who may hereafter subscribe for another cruising expedition, to regulate well their articles; and look out for a commander of strict honour and honesty: which advice from captain Shelvocke can be of no other use, than that it certainly excludes him for life. And how black soever he appears, he may thank himself: for tho’ his transactions were never so foul and unjust, I should perhaps have lived and died a private sufferer; and not given my self the excessive trouble of being public defendent, had not Shelvocke turnd public author, and added folly to his villainy, by putting it in print. But it’s high time to disabuse mankind, when an author not content with doing private injuries, shall print and publish whatever his wicked heart can invent, and thus indeavour to make his poison universal.

P. 378, he says, “he took out of the Conception twelve months provision of bread, flower, sugar and sweatmeats; with a like proportion for the Success, which he expected to find at Tres Marias, being then a stranger to Clipperton’s faithless desertion.” Not to mention the falshood of his expecting to meet Clipperton, who never promised to meet him, ’tis a piece of barefaced hypocrisy to say he put up any provision for the Success. Shelvocke knew better what to do with his money and time, than to venture the loss of both to look for a man whom he always shund and hated for having the chief command: besides he speaks immediately of going to Asia; for being well supplyd with money and necessaries, their thoughts of surrendering were laid aside, and all their despair vanishd. He twice calls it a hazardous experiment going over to Asia; and gives us some trifling reasons, but the others he says he will keep a secret, being needless there to mention, p. 380: one of which I have lately unfolded for him; which was really a fear lest he and all his money should be seized at China.

Any one acquainted with the story may discover all his thin disguises, and easily perceive that every word he says from p. 381 to 385 makes plainly against him. He talks of cakes of virgin silver found in the prize, moulded into marmalade boxes to defraud the king of Spain of his fifths; while he, at the same time, appears much more guilty to defraud the gentlemen Owners, and us prisoners, and imposing now this notorious sham upon his disinterested readers. Does so much fruit, marmalade and passengers aboard, prove that the ship was commissiond to take him? or why does Shelvocke talk so much of sweatmeats, except the money run in his head. Twenty five thousand pounds and upwards, besides rich plunder, is a fine box of marmalade truly.

P. 382. He fairly says every thing taken out of the Conception was divided according to the new articles made at Fernandes; which I believe to be mighty true, because it is the genuine account which I copyd from his own steward’s book; tho’ Shelvocke then little thought that Betagh would have it here to produce against him. He complains he had no more than six shares. I have proved already at the beginning of this section, that six, according to his last arbitrary scheme, are much better than sixty by the first articles with the Owners. But how in the name of sense could Shelvocke expect sixty out of two and fifty? for it’s plain by the account there are no more. Thou art a very unconscionable fellow indeed to have more than your due, and yet complain you have not more than all. This is neither Scotch, English, nor Irish: ’Tis the devil! and if Shelvocke can make sixty out of two and fifty, he must be more than a devil.

The next page or two he is very fearful of falling into the hands of the Spaniards, tho’ he talkd of nothing but surrendering just before this prize happend. This may look odd to a reader, who thinks he has nothing to lose beside flower and fruit; but after this discovery of the money it seems natural enough to be afraid to lose it. And why does he by way of caution speak of a rich prize that was formerly retaken from captain Clipperton by venturing too near the shore, if the circumstances were not similar and parallel to his own case?

But I need not trouble my self any longer to expose the wretched shifts he makes to cover his guilt. ’Tis like a schoolboy who has been tardy and robbd an orchard: he first tells a lye to hide the roguery, and then invents twenty more to patch that up.

Shelvocke having now done his business, steers away for California, in order to wood and water and clean his ship, that he might hasten to China and make a good market of his silver: for the natives there are so fond of it, that by changing any species of silver into gold, a man may make 30 or 40 per cent.

Accordingly in August 1721, he arrives at California; and gives his readers a description of the natives in the comical stile, thinking to make amends for the rest of his stupid incoherent romance. He would fain give us great ideas of the good breeding and gentility of those salvages, tho’ they have no intercourse with any other part of the world: but as I don’t take Shelvocke to be a judge of good manners, I look upon what he says as a fable. He has the vanity to dwell upon that idle story of the king of the Indians delivering him his sceptre, which he says was done in a very handsome manner; but he immediately returnd it, and doubtless with much grace and majesty: and yet he says he could not tell whether he was a king or no, only he had a black stick in his hand; which as it was the best thing the poor creature had, he gives it to Shelvocke, expecting no doubt a spoon or knife for it, which they are always glad of. And Shelvocke will have it that this fellow was a king, and this black stick was a sceptre; which as he deliverd, it is pity Shelvocke did not keep it, and make himself king of the country: for it’s plain the Indian resignd his sovereignty by parting with the stick.

There’s none can forbear laughing who reads his daily manner of feasting these Californian gentry with vast quantities of hasty-pudding: or his grave way of telling how respectfully and ceremoniously they returnd his civilities, keeping a constant equipage for the captain and his men, whenever they came ashore. In short, after all the country rung of Shelvocke’s fame and came in daily to view him, he concludes this ridiculous farce by telling ye the manner of his taking leave.

Page 398. When he loosed his topsails, having a mind to appear awful, he saluted the king and court with five guns, which mightily frighted them: but when they understood he was going away, the men were sadly cast down, and the women all fell a crying; which was a sure proof of their being in love, tho’ Shelvocke is modest and don’t own it.

His saying he had a mind to appear very awful at parting, agrees well with the adoration which he says they paid him at first reception, p. 389: if wild ranting and frolicking can be calld adoration.

His pretended natural history of California is all dull and tasteless, except just that which is taken from captain Rogers who was there in 1710. Shelvocke p. 399. it begins with the same words as he does p. 317. Shelvocke says p. 390, “The rocks as you enter the harbour are like the needles of the isle of Wight.” Rogers the same words, p. 317. The description of the men, p. 404, is verbally the same as the other p. 314. Their grinding a black seed which they eat for bread, is stolen from his journal. Shelvocke says their language is guttural and harsh, p. 409. Rogers p. 314, word for word the same. Their manner of living amicably and in common, is a transcript from the same author. Their bows and arrows, and their wonderful manner of diving is all the same.

Shelvocke says, p. 408, A late navigator represents the Californians as idle, lazy and jealous of their women; and that he never could have a sight of any but such as were old. Which Shelvocke indeavours to be merry upon, by saying, “he could not tell how that gentleman treated them; but that he himself succeded so well in his addresses as to have them by hundreds every day young and old.” And after the frumety kettle had been boyling for them all day, it’s no wonder if some of them gave him their company all night: for he often says they were very civil and complaisant, and used to be concernd at the mens taking snuff for fear it should kill them.

The navigator here meant is the aforesaid author; whose accounts being universally commended, there’s no room to admit Shelvocke’s impertinence: but after a man has made himself so notorious a plagiary as I have just now proved him, ’tis a very stupid blunder in him to find fault with that only which signifies nothing. Rogers his words are p. 316. “They appear to be very idle, and seem to look after no more than a present subsistence.”—This is confirmd of all Indians who having no traffic, or knowledge but what is natural, must needs be indolent and idle: therefore I see no occasion there was to contradict this, when he had stole all the rest; except his ill breeding is so natural to him, that he can’t forbear it.

As for his being freer with the women, I don’t dispute that; neither is it for any man’s honour to confute him: only I can’t help remarking Shelvocke’s words at the close of this page 408. “I may venture to say, quoth he, that we ingaged them so far by trifling presents and entertainments, that no body upon those terms need want their assistance for the future.” The plain English of which is, that any man may lye with the women for a rusty knife, or a porringer of thick milk.

Captain Rogers has given us a handsome concise description of the people and the coast: and if a mariner who comes after can make no additional discoveries, he is a thief to print for his own another man’s observations, and a blockhead to trouble the world with his own schoolboy remarks; such as his conceited notions of a king and sceptre; he and his dirty crew having adoration paid them, and his foolish tales of ceremonious equipage and hasty pudding.

Captain George Shelvocke having here finish’d his wise observations, prepares to cross the western ocean from Mexico to China; and with a hypocritical sigh laments the absence of Clipperton, whom he partly came hither to meet with: but says he had the inward comfort of having added this instance of his indeavours to the advantage of the expedition in general, p. 433.

Now I leave the reader to judge whether ’tis likely he came here to seek Clipperton, or was sorry for the disappointment, after having so long shund him, blinded the world with a false relation of his acquisition, conceald all the money, and divided it among three and thirty of them? and yet this man has the calm assurance to talk of his indeavours for the advantage of the expedition!

In two or three days sail he says he discoverd land, which he takes the liberty of naming Shelvocke’s island. Vain creature! dost thou expect any one after reading this narrative of your actions shall mention the word Shelvocke without ridicule? much less shall an island where you never set foot ashore be calld after your unworthy name. Had you been there sacrificed for your avarice and tyranny, as Peter Baldivia was at the place which bears his name, you might ever remain, like him, unrivald in your title; and your son George might have wrote your epitaph.

In Shelvocke’s passage over to Guam nothing material happens but the death of seven or eight more of his men; some of whose shares, I have reason to believe, became his perquisit: for two of their widows have assured me, that after much painful application they could get no relief. On his arrival at Guam he makes this cunning observation, that he found it one hundred leagues short of captain Rogers his account: but I don’t wonder at that; because this later kept a public regular journal, and has printed each day’s run; which book Shelvocke would never let his people look into, or keep a true reckoning themselves.

Page 438. Here he says he should have been very glad of refreshments; but the ill state of his people was an objection against his staying, lest the governer should take an advantage of their weakness and surprize him. When they were upon the point of perishing, as he calls it, one would think it was a very proper time to get refreshments. But this is another instance of his falsehood; for the true reason is conceald, namely, his fear of losing the hundred and twenty thousand dollars, &c. which he had aboard.

In November he gets to China, and meets with some of Clipperton’s people at Macao; from whose intelligence he gives us that part only of Clipperton’s conduct which is blameable. I own I can’t find out the pleasure of triumphing over a dead man’s character, especially in those private defects which can do the defamer no service or credit.

By my transcript of Taylor’s journal, Shelvocke may see I have not omitted those facts which related to Clipperton, and I am glad to give him this proof of my impartiality: but where he has perverted the story, I am obliged to oppose him: for Shelvocke says that Clipperton was orderd into custody at Macao, for silly reasons which he gives, and not worth my reciting, because there’s nothing in them. If the reader please to return to the last page or two of the journal, he will find that Clipperton honestly withstood dividing his capture as long as he could, till an order from the Mandarin, and a guard came aboard the ship to oblige him: this Shelvocke has the malice to call taking into custody; tho’ he knew the story as well as I can tell him. And whereas he says they fleeced Clipperton and let him go; ’tis quite wrong; for Clipperton paid but 1700 dollars for anchorage, as by the journal, which is not 400 pound: and Shelvocke owns he paid above 2000 pound, p. 457: therefore ’tis manifest the latter was fleeced, not the former.

Immediately after which he has these words, “I thought it proper to make this digression for the information of such of the Gentlemen owners who have thought Clipperton blameless, that they might pass a judgment on his conduct: since it is certain that he will never, either privately or publicly, let them into the truth of his story.”—What can be more offensive than this, first to invent a falsehood, and then say ’tis for the gentlemens information? which he concludes with a jesuitical turn, that Clipperton never would publicly or privately let them into the truth of his story; the only reason of which is a mental reserve that honest Mr. Shelvocke has, that truly he knew captain Clipperton was dead.

What remains of this author, relating the shifts he made to get himself and his money transported to England, whether true or false, tis immaterial to my design: and so I leave him aboard an East India-man which brought him home the first of August, 1722. His 14th chapter, as it contains nothing of our dispute, is no ways liable to my exception. I believe his cautions and directions to be very just, and may be useful to any who shall go upon that cruise: but his own behaviour is a proof, that it’s easier to give good advice than to follow it.

THUS have I taken fair pains gradually to trace and answer captain Shelvocke: to expose his ignorance in some things, and detect his many wilful forgeries in others. I have discoverd nothing of his wickedness out of its proper place with design to prepossess mankind; well knowing that where truth is to be found, art is needless.

Upon the whole the reader may perceive that he lays all the mischiefs of his voyage to the obstinacy of his men, always taking care to shift off the guilt from himself: And to prepare his readers the better, has the groundless assurance to say in the fourth page, that they had actually formd a design of returning with the ship to England.

2. At St. Catherine’s he says they forced him to sign the new articles, or else they would have run away with the ship.

3. Going in to Chiloe he says was the mens fault; where we so narrowly escaped a shipwreck.

4. At going in to Conception a little to leeward, he says the same.

5. At Fernandes, he says they forced him to divide the Owners money, and enter upon the new Jamaica discipline.

6. Upon meeting Clipperton, he says, ’twas his men demanded a confirmation of the first articles with the Owners, after they had twice made new ones for themselves.

7. When he left the four men aboard the bark where they were murderd, he says his people would not let him bring to till she came up.

8. ’Twas his men also gave him an island, and obstinately calld it after his name: the vanity and inconsistency of all which I have sufficiently exposed. But I would fain know what forced him to conceal that great sum of money taken aboard the Conception? Or who obliged him to play the hypocrite and keep it a secret when he publishd his book? I could ask him many more questions that would stagger him: particularly, who forced him to dedicate his volume of scandal and forgery to the lords of the admiralty? who flatterd him into a belief, that their lordships would patronize the author of so much treachery and cruelty? and whom he has had the unpardonable boldness to deceive in the first line of his dedication; by telling them, that having before had the honour to present them the original minutes of his transactions, he now has laid before them a more perfect account of his procedings: when at the same time he never kept a journal, tho’ he says he lost one at Fernandes, p. 417, which place I shall quote for the particularity of it.—“When I was shipwreckd on the island of John Fernandes, I among many other things lost some particular remarks and memorandums of the ship’s way et cætera: therefore in general have not been particular.” I can’t tell what he would have the world understand by this; but I and every common sailor knows, that if a man loses the particular memorandums of a ship’s way et cætera, he has lost them in general et cætera.

If such language, such remarks and pitiful forgeries can pass for A voyage round the world, a man may e’en stay at home and compose one. ’Tis nothing but a bundle of falshood and scandal: and John Bunyan’s Pilgrim’s progress is a much better journal, and better writ.

For the entertainment of the curious I shall here subjoyn a few of Shelvocke’s blunderrata; tho’ the captain is said to have had the assistance of his son, and his son the assistance of the learned.

Page 196. Mightily disabled.

207. Saved the ship not coming to pieces.

257. To hear the silence of the night destroyd.

278. With a resolute despair.

418. In general have not been particular.

307. Shall now continue my narration of our future procedings.

265. We had not an hour’s hopes of living a minute longer, &c, &c, &c.

Soon as captain Shelvocke returnd to London, he waited on the same gentleman I have often mentiond, who framed and directed this expedition; where being self-convicted of his past wicked actions, he hoped by a genteel donation to pacify the resentment he expected to meet with: but the said gentleman to whom he thus applyd, was rather shockt at the visit; and instead of hearkening to any terms, charged a constable with him, and carryd him to the Cockpit. The secretary of state being absent, he was there advised to take out an action against him at Doctors commons, and another at Common law at the Owners suit; with several processes against some of his people, who came home in the India ships with their ill gotten wealth. So that captain Shelvocke was himself that day confined in Wood-street Counter; and a few days after about a dozen of his crew, being all that yet appeard, were arrested also and confined.

After this the said owner applyd to the court of Admiralty for a warrant to keep Shelvocke in custody of the marshal, in order to be tryd for a pyracy on the Portuguese; for robberies on the king of Spain’s subjects since the cessation of arms; and lastly for defrauding his owners and people, affidavits having been made of these several facts by two of his own officers and others. But the court refused him a warrant, because it was not sworn that the witnesses saw the moydors taken out of the Portuguese captain’s scritore; tho’ they swore they were taken out of his possession and brought from the ship. This greatly disappointed the owners, and involved them in the tedious law suit which followd: for they found it difficult to lay the action at Doctors commons, being under the discouragement of the judge of that court: and the proceding at Common law was so intricate and doubtful, that they were forced to seek relief in the court of Chancery. Upon setting forth the case, the Lord chancellor granted a writ of Ne exeat regnum against the said Shelvocke, markt 8000l, and some of his men in lesser sums: but Shelvocke getting bail to the action at common law, contrived so with the marshal of the king’s bench prison, that he escaped on a Sunday, and prevented the said writ in chancery being served upon him; and has ever since absconded. Mean time the bill in chancery was carryd on, to which Shelvocke refusing to put in answer; a writ of rebellion was issued out: but a brother in law of Shelvocke’s applyd to two of the owners, being complainants named in the bill, and so prevailed with them, that they pretended they were about a competition with the defendent: so that a sudden stop was made to the prosecution; except other of the owners would exhibit a fresh bill, and spend more money, having already laid out above 400 pound: which however was designd more to punish his unparalleld wickedness, than for any real prospect of advantage.

Now let mankind judge what a check this must be to all future aid and assistance to the crown; when at any time a prince upon a declaration of war, shall require his loving subjects to fit out private ships to cruise upon and annoy the enemy! Is it not a temptation to the crew of any other ship who carry only money aboard, to run away with the vessel, come home in the face of their imployers, and go to law with their own masters money? Is it not to give such men hopes of protection from the laws of their own country, which surely are made to punish, not defend the cruel and the wicked? Here’s an example, where a writ granted by the highest officer in the kingdom has not been able to secure an offender, who has found means by corrupt practices to prevent the execution of it. But yet more astonishing is this man’s assurance to impose a scandalous narrative upon the world for truth, to gloss over his cruelties and robberies by the innocent name of A voyage round the world; and after all, dedicate this libel to the lords of the admiralty; wherein he courts them for favours, while there are repeated letters from the king of Spain to demand satisfaction for depredations upon his subjects, committed by this very man; and he still braving it with impunity.

’Tis proper therefore to insert here, that complaint was made to one of the principal secretaries of state by the marquiss de Pozzo Bueno ambassador from the king of Spain, while his Britannic majesty was at Hanover; “That on the 11th of April 1721, in the road of Sansonate on the coast of Mexico, George Shelvocke commander of an English privatier did then and there make prize a ship calld the Holy Family, value one hundred thousand dollars, belonging to Don Lewis Carillo of Lima in Peru; altho’ the said Shelvocke had notice given him of a cessation of arms agreed upon in the year 1720, between the crowns of England and Spain, and publishd in those seas before the said capture.”—I have seen a copy of this memorial, being writ in French, and sent to one of our Owners; and here is now, or was a Spanish agent in London to solicit the business. It is hard to know how this affair will be determined, now Great Britain and Spain are at such variance; but if the court of Madrid comes quickly into terms, which looks not improbable, the government may still lay hold on Shelvocke for all his robberies in the South-Sea, as well as his pyracy on the Portuguese; tho’ courts of justice either want the inclination or power to punish him.

Here follows a distinct list of the number of men, lost and destroyd according to the will and pleasure of captain Shelvocke; only 33 remaining out of 106 to divide the whole profits of the cruise: and it is observable that of all his people only two died a natural death and two by casualty.

Turnd ashore at St. Jago and St. Catharine’s before we got into the South-Seas, nine, Andrew Pedder chief mate, Henry Chapman third mate, Charles Turner gunner, Henry Hudson boatswain, William Parsons and William Coon boatswain’s mates, George Hint and Charles Perry seamen.	9
Commanded ashore near Conception in Chili where they were murderd, three, John Eady midshipman, John Daley and George A boigne marines.	3
Sent a cruising to be taken prisoners, fifteen, Simon Hatley second captain of the Speedwel, William Betagh captain of marines, Gilbert Hamilton ensign, John Sprake second mate, Nicolas Laming boatswain, Christopher Pressick surgeon’s first mate, Robert Cobs serjeant of marines, Matthew Appleton, Martin Hayden, Richard Bond, Richard Gloyns, John Panther seamen, John Wilson, John Nicolson, and Tho. Barnet, marines.	15
Orderd on a cruise in a bark with one week’s provision, and obliged then to surrender on the coast, eleven, James Hopkins third mate, Robert Rawlins midshipman, William Dobson, Thomas Wilkinson, Edward Oasting, John Bone, Charles Weatherly, William Kitchen, Richard Cross, John Guathar and John Gundy seamen.	11
Left on Fernandes eleven, besides thirteen Indians, John Wisdom, Joseph Monero, William Blew, John Riddleclay, Edmund Hyves, Daniel Harvey, William Giddy, John Robjohn, Thomas Hawkes, James Row and Jacob Bowden seamen.	11
Left in a prize and murderd four, John Giles serjeant of marines, John Emlin seaman, John Williams marine, George Chappel a lad.	4
Sent ashore into the hands of the enemy without a hostage, and never since heard of, six, Edward Brook first lieutenant, William Tamly midshipman, Fredric Macenzie, Robert Bowman, Richard Philips and John Poulton seamen.	6
Begd their passage with Clipperton, to be freed from Shelvocke’s tyranny, three, James Hendrie agent for the Owners, Thomas Dod lieutenant of marines, and William Morphew midshipman.	3
Died four, Richard Arscot in the Speedwel, and Edmond Philips in Shelvocke’s bark, William Campbell drownd going round Cape Horne, and Richard Hannah drownd going to the wreck from Fernandes island.	4
Deserted at St. Catharine’s three, Abraham Dutour, Anthony Wood, and William Leveret.	3
Stayd on board the Ruby at St. Catherine’s two, William Mariner sail maker, and Lawrence Lancette of the carpenter’s crew.	2

Left ashore at Payta, Rich. Bavin.	1
Deserted at Chiloe, Robert Morris.	1
In all—	73
Stayd with Shelvocke and divided all (his son being included.)	33
Total ship’s company—	106

’Tis fit I say something to the memory of captain Clipperton, who being this time so extraordinary well fitted out, and having been twice this cruise before, doubted not of easily making a good voyage for the Owners and All of us: but after he was separated from the Speedwel, and under the hardship of losing his stock of liquors; he was forced to sail comfortless under a doubtful expectation, till he came to the last scene of action: where being still disappointed of his consort, ’tis no wonder if he gave the voyage over for lost. When afterwards he did meet with captain Shelvocke on the coast of Mexico, all his proposals proved ineffectual. Thus Clipperton having in vain made three foreign voyages, two of which were round the globe, he took it to heart, grew dejected, and in his passage to Asia minded nothing at all. However, we see by the journal that he kept good order, and acted by council during his whole cruise upon the enemy.

When he came to China he sold the Success, laying by the Owners moiety as aforesaid: then he arrived in Holland, aboard a Dutch East-India ship, and died two or three days after he came to his family in Ireland; being heart-broke, as I am well informd, at his long run of misfortune.

He was an Englishman, born at great Yarmouth in the county of Norfolk, and used to the water from his infancy. He was certainly a complete seaman, as the northern English generally are, and in all the south navigation he was perfectly experienced. His humanity and good nature are undeniable, having never arbitrarily exposed or commanded away the lives of any of his people: and tho’ he had private failings, they were common to mankind, and not such as Shelvocke has unfairly represented.

My readers in general, as well as the gentlemen adventurers, may here see that the miscarriage of all this expedition is wholly imputable to the captain of the Speedwel, who cruelly treated his own people; deserted the other ship till the war was over; acted separately, and managed every thing arbitrarily: tho’ our orders were strictly to copy captain Rogers his method, and in all attempts and difficulties to act by a council of our own officers.

So that if Shelvocke had early rejoynd the Success and concurrd with Clipperton, according to the said precedent, We who are extreme sufferers had not only profited thereby, but the advantages might have been national. The charge of our expedition was upwards of fourteen thousand pound, and I believe the Duke and Duchess did not stand the Bristol gentlemen in so much. And tho’ Rogers had aboard him some troublesom spirits, who opposed his better views, yet it’s well known he brought home a capture of a hundred and seventy thousand pound value. We were certainly as well fitted out as they: and thus having precedents and examples, what might we not have done, if conducted, as they were, with prudence, care and integrity!