FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 1: As far as chapter 20 this argument of Leunclavius will be found to follow a different division of Book Thirty-six from that adopted by Melber and employed in the present translation.]
[Footnote 2: His death occurred early in the year.]
[Footnote 3: This man's name is given as Sextilius by Plutarch (Life of
Lucullus, chapter 25) and Appian (Mithridatic Wars, chapter 84).]
[Footnote 4: Cobet's (Greek: metepepempto) in place of Vat. A (Greek: metepempeto).]
[Footnote 5: "Valerians" was a name given to the Twentieth Legion. (See
Livy VI, 9.)]
[Footnote 6: Q. Marcius Rex.]
[Footnote 7: The subject must be Quintus Caecilius Metellus. This is the point at which the Medicean manuscript (see Introduction) now begins, and between what goes before and what follows there is an obvious gap of some kind. A few details touching upon the close of the Cretan war may be found in Xiphilinus (p. 1, 12-20), as follows:
"And [Metellus] subjugated the entire island, albeit he was hindered and restrained by Pompey the Great, who was now lord of the whole sea and of the mainland for a three days' march from the coast; for Pompey asserted that the islands also belonged to him. Nevertheless, in spite of Pompey's opposition, Metellus put an end to the Cretan war, conducted a triumph in memory thereof, and was given the title of Creticus."
It should be noted in passing that J. Hilberg (Zeitschrift f. oest. Gymn., 1889, p. 213) thinks that the proper place for the chapter numbered 16 is after 17, instead of before it.]
[Footnote 8: A leaf is here torn out of the first quaternion of the Medicean MS. An idea of the matter omitted may be gained by comparing Xiphilinus (p. 5):—"Catulus, one of the foremost men, had said to the populace: 'If he fail after being sent out on this errand (as not infrequently happens in many contests, especially on the sea) whom else will you find in place of him for still more pressing business?' Thereat the entire throng as if by previous agreement lifted their voices and exclaimed: 'You!' Thus Pompey secured command of the sea and of the islands and of the mainland for four hundred etades inland from the sea."]
[Footnote 9: Some half dozen words are wanting at this point in the MS.
Those most easily supplied afford the translation here given.]
[Footnote 10: I.e., "City of Victory."]
[Footnote 11: Harmastica (==arx dei Armazi) is meant.]
[Footnote 12: The words [Greek: tou Kurnou pararreontos, enthen de], required to fill a gap in the sense, supplied by Bekker on the basis of a previous suggestion by Reiske.]
[Footnote 13: The words [Greek: ho de Pompêios] at the opening of chapter 6 were supplied by Bekker.]
[Footnote 14: Properly called Sinoria.]
[Footnote 15: A gap exists in the Medicean MS. because the first leaf in the third quaternion is lacking. The omission may be partly filled out from Xiphilinus (p. 7):
"He returned from Armenia and arbitrated disputes besides conducting other business for kings and potentates who came to him. He confirmed some in possession of their kingdoms, added to the principalities of others, and curtailed and humbled the excessive powers of a few. Hollow Syria and Phoenicia which had lately ridden themselves of their rulers and had been made the prey of the Arabians and Tigranes were united. Antiochus had dared to ask them back, but he did not secure them. Instead, they were combined into one province and received laws so that their government was carried on in the Roman fashion."
As to the words at the end of chapter 7, "although her child was with," an inkling of their significance may be had from Appian, Mithridates, chapter 107. Stratonice had betrayed to Pompey a treasurehouse on the sole condition that if he should capture Xiphares, a favorite son of hers, he should spare him. This disloyalty to Mithridates enraged the latter, who gained possession of the youth and slew him, while the mother beheld the deed of revenge from a distance.]
[Footnote 16: L. Annius Bellienus.]
[Footnote 17: L. Luscius.]
[Footnote 18: Or "and these were" (according to the MS. reading selected).]
[Footnote 19: Xiphilinus adds: "after approaching and offering him this."]
[Footnote 20: I.e., Jehovah.]
[Footnote 21: Sol and Luna: or the sun and moon. The words appear in the text without any article and may be personified.]
[Footnote 22: Dio attempts in chapters 18 and 19 to explain why the days of the week are associated with the names of the planets. It should be borne in mind that the order of the planets with reference to their distance from the earth (counting from farthest to nearest) is as follows: Saturn, Jupiter, Mars, Sun, Venus, Mercury, Moon. The custom of naming the days may then have arisen, he says, (1) by regarding the gods as originally presiding over separate days assigned by the principle of the tetrachord (I.e., skipping two stars in your count each time as you go over the list) so that you get this order: the day of Saturn, of the Sun, of the Moon, of Mars, of Mercury, of Jupiter, of Venus (Saturday to Friday, inclusive); or (2) by regarding the gods as properly gods of the hours, which are assigned in order, beginning with Saturn, as in the list above,—and allowing it to be understood that that god who is found by this system to preside over the first hour shall also give his name to the day in question.]
[Footnote 23: See Book Thirty-six, chapter 43.]
[Footnote 24: After "join him" there is a gap in the MS. The words necessary to complete this sentence and to begin the next were supplied by Reiske.]
[Footnote 25: Cobet (Mnemosyne N.S., X, p. 195) thinks that there is here a reminiscence of Cicero, Ad Atticum, I, 16, 5.]
[Footnote 26: Or Solo (according to the Epitome of the one hundred and third Book of Livy).]
[Footnote 27: Supplying [Greek: to misein] (as v. Herwerden,
Boissevain).]
[Footnote 28: The following sentence: "For these reasons, then, he had both united them and won them over" is probably an explanatory insertion, made by some copyist. (So Bekker.)]
[Footnote 29: Reading [Greek: proskatastanton] (as Boissevain).]
[Footnote 30: The reading here has been subjected to criticism (compare Naber in Mnemosyne, XVI, p. 109), but see Cicero, De Lege Agraria 2, 9, 24 and Mommsen, Staatsrecht, I^2, 468, 3.]
[Footnote 31: The words [Greek: epeidae outoi] are supplied here by
Reiske.]
[Footnote 32: In regard to this matter see Mnemosyne N.S. XIX, p. 106, note 2. The article in question is by I.M.J. Valeton, who agrees with Mommsen's conclusions (Staatsrecht, III, p. 1058, note 2).]
[Footnote 33: Reading [Greek: pote] with Boissevain. There is apparently a reference to the year B.C. 100, and to the refusal of Metellus Numidicus to swear to the lex Appuleia.]
[Footnote 34: Following Reiske's arrangement: [Greek: os mentoi ae aemera aechen, en emellon …].]
[Footnote 35: The verb is supplied by Reiske.]
[Footnote 36: Following Reiske's reading: [Greek: ae ina ta mellonta cholotheiae]]
[Footnote 37: Gaps in the text supplied by Reiske.]
[Footnote 38: Gaps in the text supplied by Reiske.]
[Footnote 39: Gaps in the text supplied by Reiske.]
[Footnote 40: Gaps in the text supplied by Reiske.]
[Footnote 41: The suggestion of Boissevain (euthus) or of Mommsen (authicha) is here adopted in preference to the MS. authis (evidently erroneous).]
[Footnote 42: Verb supplied by Xylander.]
[Footnote 43: Or five hundred miles, since Dio reckons a mile as equivalent to seven and one-half instead of eight stades.]
[Footnote 44: The MS. is corrupt. Perhaps Hannibal is meant, perhaps
Aeneas.]
[Footnote 45: Reading [Greek: epithumian] (with Boissevain).]
[Footnote 46: Reading [Greek: enaellonto], proposed in Mnemosyne N.S. X, p. 196, by Cobet, who compares Caesar's Gallic War I, 52, 5; and adopted by Boissevain.]
[Footnote 47: Two words to fill a gap are suggested by Bekker.]
[Footnote 48: Four words to fill a gap supplied by Reiske.]
[Footnote 49: Reading [Greek: paraen] (as Boissevain).]
[Footnote 50: Words equivalent to "the more insistent" are easily supplied from the context, as suggested by v. Herwerden, Wagner, and Leunclavius.]
[Footnote 51: This is a younger brother of that Ptolemy Auletes who was expelled from Egypt and subsequently restored (see chapter 55), and is the same one mentioned in Book Thirty-eight, chapter 30.]
[Footnote 52: This statement of Dio's appears to be erroneous. See
Cicero, Ad Familiares I, 7, 10, and Mommsen, Staatsrecht, 22, 672.]
[Footnote 53: Gap in the MS. supplied by Bekker's conjecture.]
[Footnote 54: Suetonius says "five years" (Life of Caesar, chapter 24), and Plutarch and Appian make a similar statement of the time. (Plutarch, Caesar, chapter 21, and Pompey, chapters 51, 52. Appian, Civil War, II, 17.)]
[Footnote 55: The two kinds of naval tactics mentioned here (Greek: periplous] and [Greek: diechplous]) consist respectively (1) in describing a semi-circle and making a broadside attack with the purpose of ramming an opposing vessel, and (2) in dashing through the hostile ranks, breaking the oars of some ship and then returning to ram it when disabled. Both methods were employed in early Greek as well as in Roman warfare.]
[Footnote 56: Dio has evidently imitated at this point a sentence in Herodotos, VIII, 6 (as shown by the phraseology), where it is remarked that "the Persians [at Artemisium] were minded not to let a single soul" of the Greeks escape. The expression is, in general, a proverbial one, applied to utter destruction, especially in warfare. Its source is Greek, and lies in the custom of the Spartans (see Xenophon, Polity of the Lacedaemonians, chapter 13, section 2), which required the presence in their army of a priest carrying fire kindled at the shrine of Zeus the Leader, in Sparta, this sacred fire being absolutely essential to the proper conduct of important sacrifices. Victors would naturally spare such a priest on account of his sacred character; he regularly possessed the inviolability attaching also to heralds and envoys: and the proverb that represents him as being slain is (as Suidas notes) an effective bit of epigrammatic exaggeration. Other references to this proverb may be found (by those interested) in Rawlinson's note on the above passage of Herodotos, in one of the scholia on the Phoenician Maidens of Euripides (verse 1377), in Sturz's Xenophontean Lexicon, in Stobaios's Florilegium (XLIV, 41, excerpt from Nicolaos in Damascenos), in Zenobios's Centuria (V, 34), and finally in the dictionaries of Suidas and Hesychios.
The following slight variations as to the origin of the phrase are to be found in the above. The scholiast on Euripides states that in early times before the trumpet was invented, it was customary for a torch-bearer to perform the duties of a trumpeter. Each of any two opposing armies would have one, and the two priests advancing in front of their respective armies would cast their torches into the intervening space and then be allowed to retire unmolested before the clash occurred. Zenobios, a gatherer of proverbs, uses the word "seer" instead of priest. That the saying was an extremely common one seems to be indicated by the rather naïve definition of Hesychios: Fire-Bearer. The man bearing fire. Also, the only man saved in war.
Of course, this may be simply the unskillful condensation of an authority.]
[Footnote 57: Reading [Greek: autas] (as Boissevain) in preference to
[Greek: autous] ("upon them").]
[Footnote 58: About sixty miles. It is interesting to compare here
Caesar's (probably less accurate) estimate of thirty miles in his
Gallic War (V, 2, 3).]
[Footnote 59: The exact time, daybreak, is indicated in Caesar's Gallic
War, V, 31, 6.]
[Footnote 60: Compare Caesar's Gallic War, V, 54, 1.]
[Footnote 61: cp. LXXX, 3.]
[Footnote 62: Verb supplied by Reiske.]
[Footnote 63: "Zeugma" signifies a "fastening together" (of boats or other material) to make a bridge.]
[Footnote 64: A gap here is filled by following approximately Bekker's conjecture.]
[Footnote 65: Verb supplied by Oddey.]
[Footnote 66: Twenty days according to Caesar's Gallic War (VII, 90).
Reimar thinks "sixty" an error of the copyists.]
[Footnote 67: The Words "of Marcus" were added by Leunclavius to make the statement of the sentence correspond with fact. Their omission would seem to be obviously due to haplography. The confusion about the relationship which might well have arisen by Dio's time, is very possibly the consequence of the idiomatic Latin "frater patruelis" used by Suetonius (for instance) in chapter 29 of his Life of Caesar. The two men were in fact, first cousins. Again in Appian (Civil Wars, Book Two, chapter 26), we read of "Claudius Marcellus, cousin of the previous Marcus." Both had the gentile name Claudius, one being Marcus Claudius, and the other Gaius Claudius, Marcellus.]
[Footnote 68: Small gaps occur in this sentence, filled by conjectures of Bekker and Reiske.]
[Footnote 69: Verb suggested by Xylander, Reiske, Bekker.]
[Footnote 70: Compare Book Thirty-seven, chapter 52.]
[Footnote 71: I.e., "Temple" or "Place of the Nymphs."]
[Footnote 72: This couplet is from an unknown play of Sophocles, according to both Plutarch and Appian. Plutarch, in his extant works, cites it three times (Life of Pompey, chapter 78; Sayings of Kings and Emperors, p. 204E; How a Young Man Ought to Hear Poems, chapter 12). In the last of these passages he tells how Zeno by a slight change in the words alters the lines to an opposite meaning which better expresses his own sentiments. Diogenes Laertius (II, 8) relates a similar incident. Plutarch says that Pompey quoted the verses in speaking to his wife and son, but Appian (Civil Wars, H, 85) that he repeated to himself.
The verses will be found as No. 789 of the Incertarum Fabularum
Fragmenta in Nauck's Tragici Graeci.]
[Footnote 73: M. Acilius Caninus.]
[Footnote 74: In the MS, some corruption has jumbled these names together. The correct interpretation was furnished by Xylander and Leunclavius.]
[Footnote 75: The year 47, in which Caesar came to Rome, is here meant, or else Dio has made an error.]
[Footnote 76: M. Caelius Rufus.]
[Footnote 77: This is one of some twenty different phases (listed in Wissowa, Religion und Kultus der Römer, p. 212) under which the goddess was worshipped. (See also Roscher 1, col. 1513.) The appropriate Latin title was Fortuna Respiciens, and it certainly had a Greek equivalent ([Greek: Tuoae hepistrephomenae] in Plutarch, de fortuna Romanorum, c. 10) which it seems strange that Dio should not have known. Moreover, our historian has apparently given a wrong interpretation of the name, since respicio in Latin, when used of the gods, commonly means to "look favorably upon." In Plautus's Captivi (verse 834) there is a play on the word respice involving the goddess, and in his Asinaria (verse 716) mention is made of a closely related divinity, Fortuna Obsequens. Cicero (de legibus, II, 11, 28), in enumerating the divinities that merit human worship, includes "Fortuna, quae est vel Huius diei—nam valet in omnis dies—vel Respiciens ad opem ferendam, vel Fors, in quo incerti casus significantur magis" … The name Fortuna Respiciens has also come to light in at least three inscriptions.]
[Footnote 78: This is the phrase commonly supplied to explain a palpable corruption in the MS.]
[Footnote 79: It seems probable that a few words have fallen out of the original narrative at this point. Such is the opinion of both Dindorf and Hoelzl.]
[Footnote 80: Compare Book Thirty-six, chapters 12 and 13.]
[Footnote 81: I.e., "Citizens."]
[Footnote 82: Xylander and Leunclavius supply this necessary word lacking in the MS.]
[Footnote 83: Compare Plutarch, Life of Caesar, chapter 52, and
Suetonius, Life of Caesar, chapter 59.]
[Footnote 84: Better known as the Phaedo.]
[Footnote 85: The Greek word representing "for a second time" is not in the MS., but is supplied with the best of reason by Schenkl and also Cobet (see Mnemosyne N.S.X., p. 196). It was Caesar's regular custom to spare any who were taken captive for the first time, but invariably to put them to death if they were again caught opposing him in arms. References in Dio are numerous: Compare Book 41, chapter 62; Book 43, chapter 17; Book 44, chapter 45; Book 44, chapter 46. The same rule for the treatment of captives finds mention also in the Life of Caesar by Suetonius, chapter 75.]
[Footnote 86: The last three words of this sentence are not found in the MS., but as a correlative clause of contrast is evidently needed to complete the sense, this, or something similar, is supplied by most editors.]
[Footnote 87: Reading [Greek: sunaeranto] with Bekker and Reiske in place of [Greek: prosaeranto].]
[Footnote 88: These blatherskite jests formed a part of the ritual of the triumph, for the purpose of averting the possible jealousy of Heaven. Compare, in general, the interesting description of a triumph given in Fragment 23 (volume VI).]
[Footnote 89: Reading [Greek: haetiazeto] (Cobet's preference).]
[Footnote 90: Caesar's conduct during his stay with Nicomedes (with embellishments) was thrown in his teeth repeatedly during his career. According to Suetonius (Life of Caesar, chapter 49) the soldiers sang scurrilous verses, as follows:
Gallias Caesar subegit, Nicomedes Caesarem. Ecce Caesar nunc triumphat qui subegit Gallias, Nicomedes non triumphat qui subegit Caesarem.
Dio undoubtedly had these verses before him, in either Suetonius or some other work, but seems to have been too slow-witted to appreciate the double entendre in subegit, which may signify voluptuary as well as military prowess. Hence, though he might have turned the expression exactly by [Greek: hupaegageto] he contented himself with the prosaic [Greek: hedoulosato]]
[Footnote 91: This remark (as Cobet pointed out) is evidently a perversion of an old nursery jingle (nenia):
Si male faxis vapulabis, si bene faxis rex eris.
And another form of it is found in Horace, Epistles (I, 1, 59-60):
at pueri ludentes 'rex eris' aiunt 'si recte fades.'
The soldiers simply changed the position of male and bene in the line above cited.]
[Footnote 92: Possibly, Boissevain thinks, this is a corruption for the
Furius Leptinus mentioned by Suetonius, Life of Caesar, chapter 39.]
[Footnote 93: At present seven scattered months have thirty-one days. Caesar, when he took the Alexandrian month of thirty days as his standard, found the same discrepancy of five days as did the Egyptians. Besides these he lopped two more days off one particular month, then spread his remainder of seven through the year.]
[Footnote 94: I follow in this sentence the reading of all the older texts as well as Boissevain's. Only Dindorf and Melber omit [Greek: chai tetrachosiois], making the number of years 1061. The usual figuring, 1461, has pertinence: the number is just four times 365-1/4 and was recognized as an Egyptian year-cycle.
As to the facts, however, Sturz points out (note 139 to Book 43) that after the elapse of fourteen hundred and sixty-one years eleven days must be subtracted instead of one day added. Pope Gregory XIII ascertained this when in A.D. 1582 he summoned Aloysius and Antonius Lilius to advise him in regard to the calendar. (Boissée also refers here to Ideler, Manuel de Chronologie, II, 119ff.)]
[Footnote 95: The name of these islands is spelled both Gymnasioe and Gymnesioe, and they are also called Baleares and Pityusoe. Cp. the end of IX, 10, in the transcript of Zonaras (Volume I).]
[Footnote 96: This is of course New Carthage (Karthago Nova), the
Spanish colony of the African city.]
[Footnote 97: At the close of this chapter there are undoubtedly certain gaps in the MS., as Dindorf discerned. In the Tauchnitz stereotyped edition, which usually insists upon wresting some sense from such passages either by conjecture or by emendation, the following sentence appears: "But Pompey made light of these supernatural effects, and the war shrank to the compass of a battle." Boissevain (with a suggestion by Kuiper) reads: [Greek: all haege gar to daimonion hen te oligoria auto hepoihaesato chai es polin Moundan pros machaen dae chatestae]. This would mean: "But Heaven, which he had slighted, led his steps, and he took up his quarters in a city called Munda preparatory to battle."]
[Footnote 98: Mommsen in his Roman History (third German edition, p. 627, note 1), remarks that Dio must have confused the son of Bocchus with the son of Massinissa, Arabio, who certainly did align himself with the Pompeian party (Appian, Civil Wars, IV, 54). All other evidence, outside of this one passage, shows the two kings to have been steadfastly loyal to Caesar, behavior which brought them tangible profit in the shape of enlargement of their domains.]
[Footnote 99: I.e., they were in arms against Caesar a second time.
Compare the note on chapter 12.]
[Footnote 100: This name is spelled Coesonius in Florus's Epitome of
Livy's Thirteenth Book (=Florus II, 13, 86) and also in Orosius's
Narratives for the Discomfiture of Pagans (VI, 16, 9), but appears with
the same form as here in Cicero's Philippics, XII, 9, 23.]
[Footnote 101: The MS. has only "Fabius and Quintus." Mommsen supplies their entire names from chapter 31 of this book.]
[Footnote 102: This was originally a festival of Pales-Palatua, and information regarding its introduction is intercepted by remote antiquity. In historical times we find it celebrated as the commemoration of the founding of Rome, because Pales-Palatua was a divinity closely connected with the Palatine, where the city first stood. From Hadrian's time on special brilliance attached to the occasion, and it was dignified by the epithet "Roman" (Athenaeus). As late as the fifth century it was still known as "the birthday of the city of Rome." Both forms, Parilia and Palilia occur. (Mentioned also in Book Forty-five, chapter 6.)]
[Footnote 103: Licentiousness and general laxity of morals.]
[Footnote 104: The last clause of this chapter as it appears in the MS. is evidently corrupt. The reading adopted is that of Madvig, modified by Melber.]
[Footnote 105: Verb supplied (to fill MS gap) by R. Stephanus and
Leunclavius.]
[Footnote 106: L. Minucius Basilus.]
[Footnote 107: Reading, with Boissevain, [Greek: antecharteraese].]
[Footnote 108: A gap in the MS.—Verb conjectured by Bekker on the analogy of a passage in chapter 53.]
[Footnote 109: The father of Pompey the Great.]
[Footnote 110: In other words, the Lupercalia. The two other colleges of Lupercales to which allusion is made were known as the Quintilian and the Fabian.]
[Footnote 111: Compare Suetonius (Life of Caesar), chapter 52.]
[Footnote 112: It is here, with this word, that one of the two most important manuscripts of Dio (the codex Venetus or Marcianus 395) begins.]
[Footnote 113: Most editors have gotten over the difficulty of this "and" in the MS. by omitting it. Dindorf, however, believed it to indicate a real gap.]
[Footnote 114: The words in brackets are Reiske's conjecture for filling the gap in the MS. Other editors use slightly different phraseology of like purport.]
