FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 1: The events, however, run over into the following year.]
[Footnote 2: Interesting to compare are three citations from an unknown
Byzantine writer (in Excerpta cod. Paris, suppl. Gr. 607 A, edited by M.
Treu, Ohlau, 1880, p. 29 ff.), who seems to have used Dio as a source:
a) The mother of Augustus just one day previous to her travail beheld in a dream how her womb was snatched away and carried up into heaven.
b) And in the same night as Octavius was born his father thought that the sun rose from his wife's entrails.
c) And a certain senator, Nigidius Figulus, who was an astrologer, asked Octavius, the father of Augustus, why he was so slow in leaving his house. The latter replied that a son had been born to him. Nigidius thereupon exclaimed: "Ah, what hast thou done? Thou hast begotten a master for us!" The other believing it and being disturbed wished to make away with the child. But Nigidius said to him: "Thou hast not the power. For it hath not been granted thee to do this."]
[Footnote 3: Suetonius in relating this anecdote (Life of Augustus, chapter 5) says that the senate-meeting in question was called to consider the conspiracy of Catiline. Since, however, Augustus is on all hands admitted to have been born a. d. IX. Kal. Octobr. and mention of Catiline's conspiracy was first made in the senate a. d. XII. Kal. Nov. (Cicero, Against Catiline, I, 3, 7), the claim of coincidence is evidently based on error.]
[Footnote 4: Compare again the same Byzantine writer quoted in footnote to chapter 1,—two excerpts:
d) Again, while he was growing up in the country, an eagle swooping down snatched from his hands the loaf of bread and again returning replaced it in his hands.
e) Again, during his boyhood, Cicero saw in a dream Octavius himself fastened to a golden chain and wielding a whip being let down from the sky to the summit of the Capitol.]
[Footnote 5: Compare Súetonius, Life of Augustus, chapter 94]
[Footnote 6: See footnote to Book Forty-three, chapter 42.]
[Footnote 7: The senate-house already mentioned in Book Forty, chapter 50.]
[Footnote 8: This word is inserted by Boissevain on the authority of a symbol in the manuscript's margin, indicating a gap.]
[Footnote 9: Inserting with Reimar [Greek: proihemenos], to complete the sense.]
[Footnote 10: See Roscher I, col. 1458, on the Puperci Iulii. And compare
Suetonius, Life of Caesar, chapter 76.]
[Footnote 11: For further particulars about Sex. Clodius and the ager
Leontinus (held to be the best in Sicily, Cicero, Against Verres, III,
46) see Suetonius, On Rhetoric, 5; Arnobuis, V, 18; Cicero, Philippics,
II, 4, 8; II, 17; II, 34, 84; II, 39, 101; III, 9, 22.]
[Footnote 12: Compare here (and particularly with, reference to the plural Spurii) the passage in Cicero, Philippics, III, 44, 114:
Quod si se ipsos illi nostri liberatores e conspectu nostro abstulerunt, at exemplum facti reliquerunt: illi, quod nemo fecerat, fecerunt: Tarquinium Brutus bello est persecutus, qui tum rex fuit, cum esse Romae licebat; Sp. Cassius, Sp. Maelius, M. Manlius propter suspitionem regni appetendi sunt necati; hi primum cum gladiis non in regnum appetentem, sed in regnum impetum fecerunt.]
[Footnote 13: For the figure, compare Aristophanes, The Acharnians, vv. 380-381 (about Cleon):
[Greek: dieballe chai pseudae chateglottise mou
chachychloborei chaplunen.]]
[Footnote 14: Dio has in this sentence imitated almost word for word the utterance of Demosthenes, inveighing against Aischines, in the speech on the crown (Demosthenes XVIII, 129).]
[Footnote 15: Compare Book Forty-five, chapter 30.]
[Footnote 16: There is a play on words here which can not be exactly rendered. The Greek verb [Greek: pheaegein] means either "to flee" or "to be exiled."]
[Footnote 17: Various diminutive endings, expressing contempt.]
[Footnote 18: The MS. reading is not wholly satisfactory here. Bekker, by a slight change, would produce (after "Bambalio"): "nor by declaring war because of," etc.]
[Footnote 19: The Greek word is [Greek: obolos] a coin which in the fifth century B.C. would have amounted to considerably more than the Roman as; but as time went on the value of the [Greek: obolos] diminished indefinitely, so that glossaries eventually translate it as as in Latin.]
[Footnote 20: I. e., epilepsy.]
[Footnote 21: Sturz changes this reading of sixty days to fifty, comparing Appian, Civil Wars, Book Three, chapter 74. Between the two authorities it is difficult to decide, and the only consideration that would incline one to favor Appian is the fact that he says this period of fifty days was unusually long ("more than the Romans had ever voted upon vanquishing the Celtae or winning any war"). Boissevain remarks that Dio is not very careful about such details.]
[Footnote 22: Adopting Reiske's reading, [Greek: tinas].]
[Footnote 23: Compare here Mommsen (Staatsrecht, 23, 644, 2 or 23, 663, 3), who says that since the only objection to be found with this arrangement was that since the praetor urbanus could not himself conduct the comitia, he ought not properly to have empowered others to do so.]
[Footnote 24: M. Juventius Laterensis.]
[Footnote 25: This refers to the latter half of chapter 42, where Caesar binds his soldiers by oath never to fight against any of their former comrades.]
[Footnote 26: [Greek: pragmaton] here is somewhat uncertain and might give the sense "as a result of the troubles in which they had been involved, one with another." Sturz and Wagner appear to have viewed it in that light: Boissée and friends consulted by the translator choose the meaning found in the text above.]
[Footnote 27: The name of this freedman as given by Appian (Civil Wars, IV, 44) is Philemon; but Suetonius (Life of Augustus, chapter 27) agrees with Dio in writing Philopoemen.]
[Footnote 28: In B.C. 208 the Ludi Apollinares were set for July thirteenth, but by the year B.C. 190 they occupied three days, and in B.C. 42 the entire period of the sixth to the thirteenth of July was allotted to their celebration. Now Caesar's birthday fell on July twelfth and the day before that, July eleventh, would have conflicted quite as much with the festival of Apollo. Hence this expression "the previous day" must mean July fifth. (See Fowler's Roman Festivals, p. 174.)]
[Footnote 29: There seems to be an error here made either by Dio or by some scribe in the course of the ages. For, according to many reliable authorities (Plutarch, Life of Brutus, chapter 21; Appian, Civil Wars, Book Three, chapter 23; Cicero, Philippics, II, 13, 31, and X, 3, 7; id., Letters to Atticus, Book Fifteen, letters 11 and 12), it was Brutus and not Cassius who was praetor urbanus and had the games given in his absence. Therefore the true account, though not necessarily the true reading would say that "Brutus was praetor urbanus," and (below) that he "lingered in Campania with Cassius."
See also Cobet, Mnesmosyne, VII, p. 22.]
[Footnote 30: That this is the right form of the name is proved by the evidence of coins, etc. In Caesar's Civil War, Book Three, chapter 4, the same person is meant when it is said that Tarcondarius Castor and Dorylaus furnished Pompey with soldiers.]
[Footnote 31: See Book Thirty-six, chapter 2 (end).]
[Footnote 32: Q. Marcius Crispus. (The MSS. give the form Marcus, but the identity of this commander is made certain by Cicero, Philippics, XI, 12, 30, and several other passages.)]
[Footnote 33: I. e., "The Springs,"—a primitive name for Philippi itself.]
[Footnote 34: Iuppiter Latiaris was the protecting deity of Latium, and his festival is practically identical with the Feriae Latinae. Roscher (II, col. 688) thinks that Dio has here confused the praefectus urbi with a special official (dictator feriarum Latinarum causa) appointed when the consuls were unable to attend. Compare Book Thirty-nine, chapter 30, where our historian does not commit himself to any definite name for this magistrate.]
[Footnote 35: "While carrying a golden Victory slipped and fell" is the phrase in the transcript of Zonaras.]
[Footnote 36: Reading [Greek: aegchon] (as Boissevain) in preference to
[Greek: aegon] or [Greek: eilchon].]
[Footnote 37: Accepting Reiske's interpretative insertion, [Greek: telos].]
[Footnote 38: Among the Fragmenta Adespota in Nauck's Fragmenta
Tragicorum Groecorum this is No. 374.]
[Footnote 39: The names within these parallel lines are wanting in the MS., but were inserted by Reimar on the basis of chapter 34 of this book, and slightly modified by Boissevain.]
[Footnote 40: Both MSS., the Mediceus and the Venetus, here exhibit a gap of three lines.]
[Footnote 41: Owing to an inaccuracy of spelling in the MSS. this number has often been corrupted to "four hundred". The occurrence of "three hundred" in Suetonius's account of the affair (Life of Augustus, chapter 15) assures us, however, that this reading is correct.]
[Footnote 42: Compare Book Forty three, chapter 9 (§4).]
[Footnote 43: Compare the first chapter of this Book.]
[Footnote 44: Compare Book Forty-three, chapter 47 (and see also XLVIII, 33, and LII, 41).]
[Footnote 45: This is an error either of Dio or of some copyist. The person made king of the Jews at this time was in reality Antigonus the son of Aristobulus and nephew of Hyrcanus. Compare chapter 41 of this book, and Book Forty-nine, chapter 22.
In this same sentence I read [Greek: echthos] (as Boissevain and the
MSS.) in place of [Greek: ethos].]
[Footnote 46: Hurling from the Tarpeian rock was a punishment that might be inflicted only upon freemen. Slaves would commonly be crucified or put out of the way by some method involving similar disgrace.]
[Footnote 47: After "Menas advised it" Zonaras in his version of Dio has: "bidding him cut the ship's cable, if he liked, and sail away."]
[Footnote 48: Suetonius (Life of Augustus, chapter 83) also mentions this fashion.]
[Footnote 49: Verb suggested by Leunclavius.]
[Footnote 50: This is the well known Gnosos in Crete. For further information in regard to the matter see Strabo X, 4, 9 (p. 477) and Velleius Paterculus, II, 81, 2.]
[Footnote 51: There is at this point a gap of one line in the MSS.]
[Footnote 52: Using Naber's emendation [Greek: probeblaemenoi].]
[Footnote 53: The Latin word testudo, represented in Greek by the precisely equivalent [Greek: chelonae] in Dio's narrative, means "tortoise."]
[Footnote 54: The amount is not given in the MSS. The traditional sum, incorporated in most editions to fill the gap and complete the sense, is thirty-five. "One hundred" is a clever conjecture of Boissevain's.]
[Footnote 55: Probably in A.D. 227.]
[Footnote 56: Called Colapis by Strabo and Pliny.]
[Footnote 57: A marginal note in Reimar's edition suggests amending the rather abrupt [Greek: loipois] at this point to [Greek: Libournois] ("waged war with (i. e., against) thee Liburni"); and we might be tempted to follow it, but for the fact that Appian uses language almost identical with Dio's in his Illyrian Wars, chapter 27 ("He [Augustus] left Statilius Taurus to finish the war").]
[Footnote 58: The gymnasiarch was an essentially Greek official, but might be found outside of Hellas in such cities as had come under Greek influence. In Athens he exercised complete supervision of the gymnasium, paying for training and incidentals, arranging the details of contests, and empowered to eject unsuitable persons from the enclosure. We have comparatively little information about his duties and general standing elsewhere, but probably they were nearly the same. The office was commonly an annual one.
Antony did not limit to Alexandria his performance of the functions of gymnasiarch. We read in Plutarch (Life of Antony, chapter 33) that at Athens on one occasion he laid aside the insignia of a Roman general to assume the purple mantle, white shoes, and the rods of this official; and in Strabo (XIV, 5, 14) that he promised the people of Tarsos to preside in a similar manner at some of their games, but the time came sent a representative instead.—See Krause, Gymnnastik und Agonistik der Hellenen, page 196.]
[Footnote 59: See Book Forty-eight, chapter 35.]
[Footnote 60: Chapter 4 of this book.]
[Footnote 61: Cp. Book Forty-seven, chapter 11.]
[Footnote 62: Sc. of denarii.]
[Footnote 63: L. Tarius Rufus.]:
[Footnote 64: Dio in some unknown manner has at this point evidently made a very striking mistake. Sosius was not killed in the encounter but survived to be pardoned by Octavius after the latter's victory. And our historian, who here says he perished, speaks in the next book (chapter 2) of the amnesty accorded.]
[Footnote 65: Canopus was only fifteen miles distant from Alexandria (hence its pertinence here) and was noted for its many festivals and bad morals,—the latter being superinduced by the presence in the city of a large floating population of foreigners and sailors. The atmosphere of the town (to compare small things with great) was, in a word, that of Corinth.]
[Footnote 66: The cordax was a dance peculiar to Greek comedy and of an appropriately licentious character, resembling in some points certain of the Oriental dances that survive to the present day.]
[Footnote 67: Nicopolis, i. e., "City of Victory." The same name was given by Pompey to a town founded after his defeat of Mithridates. (See Book Thirty-six, chapter 50.)]
[Footnote 68: An allusion to the second of the two taxes mentioned in
Book Fifty, chapter 10.]
[Footnote 69: Verb supplied by R. Stephanus.]
[Footnote 70: Cobet's interpretation (Mnemosyne X (N.S.), 1882).]
[Footnote 71: Compare Pliny, Natural History, XXI, 78.]
[Footnote 72: There is an ambiguous [Greek: aùrtuv] here. Only Boissée, however, takes it to mean the Romans. Leonieenus, Sturz and Wagner translate is as "Alexandrians."]
[Footnote 73: A reminiscence of the Eumenides of Aischylos.]
[Footnote 74: See Glossary (last volume) and also compare the beginning of chapter 24 in Book Thirty-seven.]
[Footnote 75: Latin "vexillum caeruleum,"—a kind of flag or banner.]
[Footnote 76: The custom was that the magistrates should issue from the town to meet the triumphator and then march ahead of him. Octavius by putting them behind him symbolized his position as chief citizen of the State.]
[Footnote 77: These buildings are mentioned together also in the
Monumentum Ancyranum (C:L., 1T:, part 2, pp. 780-781).]
[Footnote 78: The name of this river is also spelled Cebrus.]
