IX RECENT HISTORY AND POLITICS

In the early days, at the time of that great soldier, Philip of Macedon, the name of Thrace was applied to the whole district south of the Danube. It was inhabited by a savage race, which Philip and his successor, Alexander, brought under subjection and incorporated into their empire. Early in the Christian era the Emperor Vespasian conquered the country, and it became a Roman province, and remained such until the horde of eastern barbarians swept up the valley of the Danube about the beginning of the third century. Among them were the Bulgari, an Asiatic clan, who remained in possession of the Balkan Mountain region and gave it their name. During subsequent centuries they founded the great Bulgarian Empire, which attained the zenith of its power during the reign of the Czar Simeon (893-927 A.D.), but fell under Byzantine rule in the eleventh century.

The first appearance of Russia in the affairs of Bulgaria was a most important event, for it has affected the politics of the country until this very day. One August morning in the year 967 A.D. 10,000 men landed from a Russian fleet at the mouth of the Danube. They were led by a valiant and hardy warrior named Sviatoslav, whose food was horseflesh and whose bed was a bearskin laid upon the ground. Since then the Russians, by reason of racial and religious relationship, have claimed the right to interfere in the affairs of the country, and no nation has shown greater sympathy with the unhappy people who have suffered so much from Turkish oppression.

The balance of power in Europe prevents the annexation of the Balkan States to the Russian Empire. Austria and Germany will not permit the Czar to extend his boundaries to the Mediterranean, but no power has yet been able to counteract the Russian influence in Bulgarian politics or prevent the Bulgarians from appealing to the Great White Bear when they are in danger or distress. Russian influence is paramount in Bulgaria to-day, not only because of affection, but for two other reasons: In the first place, the people are not strong enough to resist it, and in the second place, it is important for the Bulgarians to cultivate the friendship of their powerful neighbor in anticipation of events which may occur at any time. To no other source can they look for assistance.

SOFIA, THE CAPITAL OF BULGARIA

In the twelfth century occurred the second Russian invasion of Bulgaria, which was so general as to cause a fusion of races and the adoption of the Slav language and religion, which has been used by Russia as a pretext for exercising a protectorate over southeastern Europe. In the fourteenth century the Turks drove the Russians out, and in 1389 the country was brought completely under Ottoman rule, which continued until the close of the Russo-Turkish war in 1877-78. The pretext for that war was the protection of the members of the Greek Church against the cruelties and persecutions of the Turkish officials, and Mr. Gladstone, although out of power at the time in England, undoubtedly did more to bring it about than any other influence, by the publication of a pamphlet entitled “The Bulgarian Atrocities.” With fervid eloquence he described the sufferings of the Christians, and Eugene Schuyler, then United States consul-general at Constantinople, prepared a report which furnished the facts to sustain the appeal of Mr. Gladstone in awakening sympathy and indignation throughout the civilized world. The state of public feeling justified Alexander II. of Russia in undertaking to protect and avenge the victims of Moslem cruelty, who professed the same religion and spoke almost the same language as himself. While the motives of the Russian government may not have been entirely disinterested, the crusade was so just that public opinion overlooked the fact that it had been striving several hundred years to annex European Turkey to its own great empire and make Constantinople its southern capital.

Alexander II. was a humane man. He emancipated 40,000,000 of serfs, and, if his life had been spared a few years longer, he would have given the Russian people a liberal allowance of self-government and transformed an autocratic despotism into a constitutional monarchy. The Bulgarians worship his memory. They have erected a monument in his honor, and have called their principal park by his name. His portrait may be seen in the cabins of the peasants as well as in the palace of the reigning prince. At every stationer’s and news-stand, in every shop where postage stamps are sold, postal cards bearing his picture over the title “Liberator of Bulgaria” may be purchased. More of them are sold than of any other variety and this devotion and gratitude has continued for nearly a quarter of a century. One of the principal streets of Sofia is named in honor of Mr. Gladstone, and his portrait is also printed on postal cards, although I saw no recognition of Mr. Schuyler’s services to that country.

The blood that was spilled in behalf of Bulgaria in the siege of Plevna and in the defense of Shipka Pass was not shed in vain; and, as the price of peace, Russia demanded and Turkey consented in the Treaty of San Stefano that Bulgaria and Macedonia, known on the map as Rumelia, should be independent of the Sultan’s authority. But the other jealous Powers of Europe unfortunately interfered with this arrangement, and, at a conference in Berlin, created a new nation called Bulgaria, defining its limits as they appear upon current maps, but leaving out Macedonia and providing that it should be under “the direct political and military authority of the Sultan” with a Christian governor-general. It was also stipulated that religious freedom and tolerance should be guaranteed by the Turks, and that the people of the various provinces should have the privilege of electing their own magistrates and enacting their own laws, subject to the general approval of the imperial authorities at Constantinople. Various other important reforms were also promised by the Sultan affecting taxation, the protection of personal and property rights, and the general welfare of the people. If these pledges and stipulations had been carried out according to the letter of the treaty, Rumelia would be a happy, prosperous and peaceful country to-day, but the Powers at Berlin must have known that the Sultan of Turkey never kept a promise, and probably never will, and the childlike faith with which they accepted his profuse assurances of reform is the most astonishing phenomenon in political history.

When the great Powers met at Berlin after the close of the Russo-Turkish war, they told the people of Bulgaria that they might thereafter manage their own affairs and select their own king, subject to the approval of the Sultan. They were required to pay him annual tribute in lieu of the taxes which he used to collect in Bulgaria, but the amount was not definitely fixed, and the financial relations of the two countries are in a hopeless muddle, and will some time require an international commission to adjust them. Bulgaria was also held responsible for a share of the Turkish national debt, but it has never been definitely apportioned. As soon as their neighbors had decided what the Bulgarians must do, an election was ordered, and a legislative assembly chosen under the supervision of Russian soldiers, who interfered more or less at the polls, and endeavored to influence the voting by bulldozing, moral suasion, gilded promises and other inducements. A curious constitution was also prepared by a shrewd Russian politician and adopted by the people, although very few of them were able to comprehend it. In fact, nobody pretends to understand the document, and it was evidently intended to be ambiguous.

After a good deal of conferring and correspondence the national assembly selected as their sovereign Prince Alexander of Battenberg, a man of twenty-four, then holding a commission as lieutenant upon the staff of his great-uncle, Kaiser Wilhelm of Germany, and stationed at Potsdam. Alexander was directly or indirectly connected with several of the reigning families of Europe, and was therefore believed to be impartial. He was a nephew of the Czar of Russia, and his brother Henry was the husband of Queen Victoria’s daughter Beatrice. He was a great favorite with everybody, because of his amiable disposition, his frank and brave nature and his sterling integrity. The people of Bulgaria gave him a cordial welcome, and he commenced a series of reforms, said to have been recommended by Prince Bismarck, who took great interest in his career. He proved to be a good king, unselfish, warm-hearted, patriotic and ambitious to promote the welfare of the people whose destiny he was selected to control. But he was too frank and honest to cope with the conspirators by whom he was surrounded. The Bulgarians had been under Turkish bondage for five centuries, and were unfitted to govern themselves, like all people who have been subject to tyranny. They were even worse than the Cubans or the Filipinos. Bismarck said they “had been put into the saddle before they learned to ride.” The situation was aggravated by the jealousy of the surrounding nations—Germany, Austria, Russia, Turkey and Greece—which were inclined to use Bulgaria as a football in their political games. Russia was disappointed and vindictive because the other Powers had not permitted her to enjoy the fruits of her victory over the Turks and was determined to recover control of Bulgaria by intrigue, which has been done.

The lack of educated natives in Bulgaria made it necessary to fill nearly all of the important military and civil offices with foreigners, and the Russians obtained the most influential places. Clever men were sent from St. Petersburg to cultivate public sentiment and by mercenary and other means to influence the elections. The parliament, or Sobranje, as it is called, consists of a single chamber, elected by the votes of all citizens who can read and write. The ministry are absolutely independent of the chamber, and no parliamentary action can upset them. They are responsible only to the ruling prince, who also has entire authority to appoint and dismiss the officers of the army and the civil service. The only way the Sobranje can control him is by withholding appropriations, and in case of a deadlock with the sovereign there is no one to decide.

Bulgaria, without the slightest experience or preparation, was suddenly transformed into an independent state, with the machinery of the government entirely in the hands of foreigners, who were not only jealous, but hostile towards each other.

People say that Alexander lacked judgment and discretion; that he talked too much; that he was no diplomatist; that he quarreled with his advisers; that he was lamentably deficient in the arts of the politician, and was too liberal and lenient to govern a country which had never known any ruler but a despot. This is probably true. If Alexander could have had a sagacious and experienced statesman to guide him, he might have had a different fate. But, under his brief administration, Bulgaria made extraordinary progress, and if he had been allowed to remain upon the throne, by this time it would have advanced to a gratifying position among nations. When he came to Sofia the entire country was in a state of anarchy, a hundred times worse than Cuba after the Spanish war. The people had been suffering horrors that shocked the civilized world, and had been oppressed by cruelty that cannot be described. Being exasperated into resistance, their oppressors punished them with sword and torch. The number of victims is unknown. The British minister, who made an investigation, declared that not less than 12,000 persons were massacred in a single month by the Turks. Eugene Schuyler, the American consul then at Constantinople, put the number at 15,000. The country had been in a state of chronic revolution for several years and the theater of a war between two powerful nations whose armies foraged upon the farms, burned the cities and left desolate a large portion of the territory. Most of the population had fled to the mountains from their burning homes, and many of them were too poor and discouraged to repair damages when peace was restored.

In attempting to regenerate this distracted nation, Alexander of Battenberg undertook a task more difficult than was attempted by any other man of his generation. He endeavored to build up a new nation out of heterogeneous materials, and had little assistance but much interference from the Powers that had intrusted him with the work. He is one of the most romantic figures in modern European history. His frank and cheerful nature, his social charms, his personal courage upon the field of battle and his heroic attempts to overcome the impossible won for him the enduring affection of the common people and all patriotic spirits in Bulgaria, who recognized that he had no motive but their good. The same qualities, however, made him bitter and relentless enemies. He was surrounded by ambitious and avaricious adventurers and corrupt officials whom he dismissed the moment he discovered their misconduct. He was a poor judge of a rascal. He was so honest and candid himself that he could not detect the insincerity of others. He might have overcome these obstacles and defeated the conspiracies that were constantly formed against him if Alexander II. of Russia, whose assassination was a sad blow to Bulgaria as well as to his own people, had lived. He had great confidence in his nephew, Prince Alexander, loved him like his own son and supported him in every direction, even against the intrigues of Russian politicians who had been sent to Sofia to control the government. The people of Bulgaria loved him and still call him their “Liberator.”

Alexander III., for some reason or other, never liked his cousin of Battenberg, and soon after ascending the throne called him to account for his anti-Russian policy in Bulgaria. The explanation was unsatisfactory. Alexander said he was endeavoring to administer affairs for the best interests of the people themselves without regard to foreign complications. His liberality was too great to please the Czar. He was a Protestant and encouraged education to an extent that was not appreciated by the clergy of the Greek Church. He granted freedom to the press, which encouraged the democratic spirit of the people and strengthened the Liberal party in politics, which was anti-Russian in its tendencies and even advocated a republican form of government. Failing to meet the requirements of the Czar, Alexander found he was no longer allowed to be master in his own house, and that the Russian officials who surrounded him were taking their orders from St. Petersburg rather than from their own sovereign. He attempted to dismiss them and asserted his independence by filling their positions with native Liberals upon whom he could rely. The Russians retaliated by one of the most scandalous and shameful conspiracies that has ever occurred in political history. It might have happened in the Middle Ages, in the days of the robber barons and the Medicis, but there is nothing to compare with it in modern times.

At two o’clock on the morning of August 21, 1886, Prince Alexander was aroused from his slumbers by his valet, who thrust a revolver into his hand and begged him to flee through an open window. But the prince was a man to face danger, and, partially dressing himself, stepped into an ante-room where he found a crowd of Russian officers, some of whom he had recently dismissed from their positions, and others still in the employment of the government. They coolly informed him that he had the option to choose between death and abdication. A Russian officer tore a blank page out of the visitors’ book that lay upon the table and attempted to write an abdication, but he was too drunk to do so. A young cadet from the military academy took the pen and wrote a few incoherent words at his dictation. With five revolvers pointing at his head, Alexander calmly read the document and remarked sarcastically:

“Gentlemen, you shall have your way,” and wrote in German the words, “God protect Bulgaria. Alexander.”

A few moments later he was hustled into a carriage and, guarded by an escort of Russian officers and cadets from the military academy, which was in their charge, he was driven at a gallop seventeen miles to a monastery, where, after a few hours’ rest, an exchange of horses was made and he was hurried over the Balkan Mountains to the Danube River and placed upon a yacht.

The conspirators at Sofia, with the aid of the Metropolitan, or archbishop, of the Greek Church, proclaimed a provisional government; but Stambouloff, the young president of the parliament, who was equal to the emergency, declared them to be outlaws, appealed to the Bulgarians to defend the throne against the Russian conspirators, and persuaded the parliament to appoint him regent until Prince Alexander could be restored. It was several days before the latter could be found. In the meantime he was concealed upon the yacht on the Danube River. When the facts became known throughout Europe the Russians were compelled by public sentiment to surrender him, and the Czar made desperate efforts to exculpate himself from the responsibility. Nevertheless, not one of the Russian officials who were engaged in the plot was ever punished or even censured.

Prince Alexander returned to Sofia in triumph, and was enthusiastically welcomed by the people; but, with characteristic frankness, immediately telegraphed the Czar:

“I received my crown from Russia. I am ready to return it to the hands of her sovereign whenever it is demanded.”

The Czar at once replied, as might have been expected, expressing disapproval of the return of Alexander to Bulgaria and censuring his administration of affairs. In vain Stambouloff and other Bulgarians implored their prince to remain and defy Russia, and even threatened to prevent him by force from abdication, but Alexander declared that his usefulness was ended, and that it was the only wise course for him to retire and save the country from a war with Russia. Before doing so, however, he exacted a pledge from the Czar that he would permit the Bulgarians to manage their own affairs without interference—a pledge that was violated within the next thirty days, and has never been kept in any respect. Then, appointing a regency, Alexander formally abdicated authority and left the country with the affection and confidence of the people. He went to Austria, where he remained in retirement, under the title of Count Hartenau, until his death in 1893.

When Alexander abdicated it was necessary for the Bulgarians to choose another king, and they selected Prince Waldemar of Denmark, a brother of the Queen of Great Britain, the dowager Czarina of Russia and the King of Greece; but, rather than risk a quarrel with his big brother-in-law at St. Petersburg, who had compelled Alexander to throw down the crown, Waldemar declined the honor, and a committee was sent from Sofia to the various capitals of Europe to find a proper man. In the meantime Stambouloff, president of the Sobranje, or parliament, ruled the country as regent, and his policy was openly and defiantly anti-Russian. The Czar sent down two commissioners to take the state in hand. Stambouloff treated them respectfully, but declined to obey their orders. Two Russian men-of-war soon after appeared in the harbor of Varna, the principal seaport of Bulgaria, but even that did not intimidate Stambouloff, and the Russians, becoming disgusted, recalled all of their countrymen who were holding official and military positions, and even their minister and consuls, leaving Bulgaria to its fate. What Alexander III. expected to happen it is difficult to determine. He probably believed that anarchy would follow and furnish him an excuse for occupying Bulgaria with an army, but the country remained at peace. Stambouloff proved to be not only an able but a satisfactory ruler, and he carried out the policy of the deposed Alexander of Battenberg in an able and enlightened manner.

HOUSE OF THE SOBRANJE (BULGARIAN NATIONAL ASSEMBLY), SOFIA

Stepan Stambouloff was undoubtedly the ablest man that has appeared upon the Balkan Peninsula for several centuries, and one of the most extraordinary characters of his generation. Although his faults were conspicuous, his patriotism was never questioned. His integrity of purpose shines out like a planet among the vacillating and cowardly politicians who surrounded him. He was born at the little town of Tirnovo, the son of a humble innkeeper, and was educated at an ordinary country school. He came into prominence during the revolution against Turkish authority previous to the Russo-Turkish war, and, although barely of age, emerged from that struggle one of the most conspicuous and influential of the Bulgarian patriots. Although the new constitution required a man to be thirty years old to be eligible to the Sobranje, he was an active member of that body before he was twenty-three, and its president before he was twenty-five, and he occupied that position continuously until he became prime minister in 1887 at the age of thirty-three years. He was remarkable for his courage, firmness and determination; he was a natural ruler of men and always exercised a remarkable influence over every person who came in contact with him. It used to be said that his enemies were always his friends so long as they remained in his presence. He was gifted with the highest degree of skill as a politician, and would have been a political dictator if he had lived in a republic. Among the ignorant and inexperienced population of Bulgaria he was able to exercise an influence that was absolute, and the Sobranje was almost unanimous in his support. No doubt Stambouloff’s methods were often questionable. He believed that the end justified the means, and never hesitated to employ any measures he thought necessary to accomplish a purpose. He was arbitrary, cruel and vindictive. The savage nature of the Bulgarian mountaineers, from whom he came, frequently appeared in his manners and disposition. He lacked polish and was indifferent to suffering; but his entire career is an example of unselfish integrity. He devoted his life and his talents to promoting the welfare of his fellow countrymen, and never asked an advantage for himself. He died poorer than he was born, although for seven years he was in absolute control of the Bulgarian finances and for ten years previous was able to command anything in the way of remuneration that he desired.

Recognizing that public sentiment in Europe would not approve an empty throne in Bulgaria, Stambouloff dispatched a deputation to find a king. They made advances to several cadets of the royal houses, but found it very difficult to select a man of proper qualifications who was not so involved by ties of relationship as to excite jealousy among the great Powers. The story goes that they were on their way back to Bulgaria when they met an acquaintance in a beer garden at Vienna. Learning their business, he remarked:

“That young officer sitting at the table yonder is just the man you want. He is Ferdinand of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha, grandson of Louis Philippe of France, and a cousin of every crowned head in Europe. He is a favorite of the Emperor of Austria and the Emperor of Russia and a man of great wealth.”

At that time Ferdinand held a commission in the Austrian army and was stationed in Vienna. The committee accepted the suggestion eagerly, conferred with the prime minister of Austria the next morning, communicated with Stambouloff at Sofia by telegraph, and within forty-eight hours offered the throne of Bulgaria to the young prince, who was not yet twenty-four years of age. The selection was approved by all the European Powers except Russia. Czar Alexander III. had no personal objection to the prince, but his policy was to boycott Bulgaria as long as Stambouloff and the Liberal party, then in power, continued to defy him.

The regents resigned, Prince Ferdinand ascended the throne, and appointed Stambouloff to the post of prime minister, which he occupied continuously until May, 1894. During that time he absolutely controlled the policy of the government and the opinions of the prince. For the first three or four years the two got on without friction, and Ferdinand was a willing agent of his minister; but as he grew older, particularly after his marriage in 1893, he became restless under the yoke, showed signs of independence, and, probably through the influence of his wife, began to yearn for the social and official recognition of Russia, which up to that time had absolutely ignored him. If Stambouloff had shown more tact in dealing with his sovereign and more deference towards the bride the latter had brought to Bulgaria, he might have continued at the head of the government indefinitely, but he made no effort to conceal, either from the public or the court, the fact that the prince was merely his puppet, and when the latter showed signs of self-assertion drew the curb even more firmly upon him. The Princess Marie Louise of Bourbon, daughter of the Duke of Parma, whom Ferdinand married in 1893, first aroused his pride and stimulated his independence, and finally acquired sufficient influence over her husband to persuade him to resist Stambouloff.

Both she and Ferdinand were ambitious to advance their position and power. Instead of being registered in the almanacs as “princes” they wanted to be called king and queen, and actually had crowns made at Munich in anticipation of a favorable vote in the Sobranje. But Stambouloff, who despised pomp and pretensions like the true democrat that he was, and looked forward to a time when Bulgaria should have a republican form of government, opposed the aspirations of his sovereigns, and a quarrel occurred which ended with his retirement from the ministry and the selection of Mr. Stoiloff, his bitterest enemy, as his successor. Stambouloff might have weathered the storm but for his own arrogance and a domestic scandal in which his most trusted subordinate was involved. In a moment of pique and anger he wrote a hasty letter, resigning the office of prime minister, which the prince, under the influence of his wife, was only too glad to receive and promptly accept.

Immediately after, following the example of his great prototype, the Bulgarian Bismarck unbosomed himself to a sympathetic friend who happened to be correspondent of a German newspaper, and in most sarcastic and disrespectful terms discussed the weaknesses of his sovereign and the Princess Marie, and grossly violated confidence by relating several amusing and rather humiliating incidents that had occurred during his experience with them. This indiscretion was the ruin of Stambouloff. The interview was republished with unfavorable comments in every city of Europe and in all the Bulgarian papers; even those that had formerly given him a cordial support. The public was disgusted and the indignation of the royal household knew no bounds. Prince Ferdinand actually went into court with a suit for defamation of character against his former prime minister; he discharged from office every man who was suspected of being a sympathizer of Stambouloff; ordered the arrest of several of the ex-minister’s confidential associates for malfeasance; revoked pensions that he had granted to those who had served their country faithfully under Stambouloff’s direction; confiscated the property of several of his supporters and by other means terrified almost every man in Bulgaria who had been loyal to Stambouloff. The Bulgarians are a fickle people, and within a few weeks were ready to stone their former idol. His fall was complete. Even the parliament, which he had absolutely controlled so long, passed a law confiscating his property, although it was almost worthless. Stambouloff attempted to escape from the storm, but, by order of the prince, the police forbade him to leave the country.

Russia took advantage of the situation to encourage Ferdinand’s spirit of independence, and immediately after the dismissal of Stambouloff removed the boycott that had been declared against Bulgaria seven years before. The Czar Nicholas recognized Ferdinand in a formal manner and sent a diplomatic agent to Sofia, who has gradually acquired an influence over the prince and a control over the government that are now almost absolute. Ferdinand might as well be the governor of a Russian province.

Although the recognition from Russia which he yearned for was finally obtained, Prince Ferdinand has entirely forfeited the respect of Europe and the confidence of the other Powers, because of certain events that have occurred in Sofia since the change of ministry. One night in July, 1895, a little more than a year after his retirement, and when he was beginning to show signs of recovering his political influence, Stambouloff was cruelly assassinated while walking home from his club. One of the assassins was identified without the slightest difficulty by Stambouloff himself, by a friend who accompanied him and by a servant who was following them. Three men were engaged in the crime. Their leader was a political adventurer named Michael Stavreff, or Michael Malieu as he is usually called, who had been identified with the Russian party in Sofia and had frequently been employed by the Russian minister on confidential missions.

It was firmly believed by the friends of Stambouloff and the members of the anti-Russian element from the beginning that Stavreff was hired to commit the murder, and the fact that the assassin was permitted to remain unpunished, and was not even arrested was assumed to be evidence that the government sympathized with the crime. The indifference of Prince Ferdinand excited unfavorable comment throughout Europe, and he has never recovered the respect of the courts or the people. Stavreff was a familiar object of interest about Sofia, a habitué of the cafés, and an active participant in political affairs, being frequently pointed out to strangers as the man who assassinated Stambouloff, the prime minister; and while he never acknowledged his guilt, seemed to enjoy his notoriety. His source of revenue was a matter of some curiosity, and it was the popular opinion that he was drawing a pension from the government or from some person in power.

As his intemperate habits grew upon him he lost control of his tongue, and frequently uttered mysterious hints of secrets which he might disclose if certain prominent officials did not treat him with greater consideration. He became reckless in gambling as well as dissipation, and his losses made him bolder and less discreet in his allusions, until in October 24, 1902, he was arrested, secretly tried in prison with great haste, and condemned to death for the assassination of Stambouloff more than seven years previous. It was officially announced that he had made a full confession of his guilt.

Shortly after this announcement there appeared upon the streets of Sofia lithographed facsimiles of letters in the handwriting of Mr. Ludskanoff, the minister of the interior, who had ordered the arrest and execution of Stavreff, showing conclusively that he had employed that desperado to murder not only Stambouloff, but also Mr. Vulkovitch, who, until his death in 1892, in ability and influence was second only to Stambouloff in the anti-Russian party. At that time Ludskanoff was the leader of the pro-Russian faction, and fled from the country to escape arrest for complicity in the assassination of Vulkovitch. Stambouloff issued a decree of perpetual banishment against him, and he did not return to Bulgaria until a proclamation of universal amnesty was issued after Stambouloff’s death. Upon his return Ludskanoff, who is a man of force and ability, resumed his former prominence in politics, entered the parliament, and for several years has been a member of the ministry, and an obedient tool of Russian influence.

The publication of the incriminating letters naturally created a profound sensation, especially as they were followed, in a few days, by several others of similar character, and caused a dissolution of the cabinet. It was immediately reorganized, however, and Ludskanoff was reappointed to the ministry of the interior; the prime minister, Mr. Kavachoff, explaining that the proclamation of amnesty was a full pardon for any offenses with which his colleagues might have been connected, which seems to have been satisfactory to the Russian sympathizers.

The police were not able to ascertain the source of the mysterious publications, but it was the popular opinion that the letters were intrusted by Stavreff to loyal friends to be used for his protection in an emergency. They appear to have served their purpose, for at this writing Stavreff has not been executed, although he still remains in solitary confinement under sentence of death.

In 1900 Prince Ferdinand was guilty of another act of an entirely different character, which brought down upon him the undisguised condemnation of every Catholic country and civilization generally. Upon his marriage with Marie Louise of Orleans, Ferdinand made a vow that their children should be baptized and educated in the Roman Catholic Church. This was one of the stipulations insisted upon by the father and family of the bride. Ferdinand is himself a Roman Catholic by birth and baptism. He has erected a chapel in the palace, has a Roman Catholic chaplain, and attends mass each morning at seven o’clock. While making his annual visits to an Austrian watering-place he never fails to attend mass daily at a public church, and has otherwise shown a devout and consistent spirit. But no sooner was his wife buried in 1899 than he placed his eldest son, the Crown Prince Boris, a child five years old and the future king of Bulgaria, in charge of a Russian priest of the Greek Church, who secretly baptized and is now educating the boy in that faith. This is said to have been done at the suggestion of Russia, but no one believes that the Czar thinks any better of him for it, while the Emperor of Austria, the King of Italy, the German Emperor and other sovereigns of Europe have publicly expressed their disapproval of the proceeding. The other children are being brought up in the faith of their parents.

Prince Ferdinand of Bulgaria spends very little time at his capital. There is not much there to attract his interest. The affairs of state are carefully looked after by Mr. Bakhmeteff, the Russian representative, and the members of the ministry; social and intellectual diversions are almost unknown, and the prince has a hobby which he can pursue with greater satisfaction at Varna, where he has a country palace on the shores of the Black Sea. He is an accomplished naturalist, and spends much of his time hunting and classifying insects, plants and other phenomena of animate and inanimate nature. He has catalogued nearly all the flora and fauna of Bulgaria and has established in Sofia a very respectable zoölogical garden at his own expense.

Although a grandson of Louis Philippe, the prince has the nose of Louis Napoleon, and is said to bear a singular resemblance to the last emperor of France, both in disposition and character. His nose is a gratification to the caricaturists. It is so conspicuous that it answers for a trade-mark, and they are able to play upon it with great ingenuity. He is altogether a clever and accomplished gentleman, a skillful politician with an accommodating conscience, and very different from his predecessor, Alexander of Battenberg. He has inherited the manners of his French ancestors, as well as their insincerity, and can wriggle out of a tight place, they say, more gracefully than any other prince in Europe. Alexander was a Lutheran and encouraged Protestant missionary work. Ferdinand does not object to the missionary invasion, because the constitution guarantees free worship and the police protect the Protestants in case of disturbance.

Prince Ferdinand had a brief but happy married life. Marie Louise lived about six years after marriage and had four children—Boris, born January 30, 1894; Cyril, born November 17, 1895; Eudoxie, born January 17, 1898, and Madeja, born January 30, 1899. The late Queen died on the day following the birth of her youngest child. They are all interesting children, and are being carefully trained after European methods.

The patron saint of Bulgaria is St. John of Ryle, although Christianity was introduced into the country by St. Methodias. Originally a shepherd, John of Ryle became a monk and ascetic, and lived for twenty years in the hollow of an oak tree in the mountains that divide Bulgaria and Macedonia, which are now called by his name. He then removed to an inaccessible rock, under which was afterwards built in his honor what is known as the Ryle Monastery. It is an extensive building of medieval architecture and one of the most picturesque objects in Bulgaria. It lies in the midst of beautiful mountain scenery two days’ journey south of Sofia, and is frequently visited by tourists, who are hospitably entertained by the monks.

MONASTERY OF ST. JOHN OF RYLE, BULGARIA

The old monastery has come to considerable notoriety recently, because of a report that Miss Stone was concealed within its walls, and the building was thoroughly searched by the soldiers under orders from the government at Sofia. This invasion and profanation of the holy place caused great indignation among members of the Greek Church throughout Bulgaria, who blamed the American missionaries and threatened reprisals. The hostility of the monks against missionary proselyting is much more bitter and vindictive than is shown by the regular parish clergy, because the latter as a rule are better educated. They mingle with the world, and therefore are more liberal in their views on all subjects.

It is not altogether certain that the monks of St. Ryle were blameless of complicity in Miss Stone’s abduction, but there is no proof that they had any share in or knowledge of the outrage. The suspicion is based upon knowledge of previous circumstances. Their relation with the brigands has always been friendly, and in olden times the secluded situation of the monastery made it a convenient rendezvous for enterprising gentlemen who ordinarily pursued peaceful vocations in the fields and pastures, but took to the road whenever tempted by favorable opportunities or pressed by necessity. They are said to have given liberally of their booty to the monks and to have brought to their table much game and other food supplies from the mountains. In return for this generosity the monks often afforded them an asylum when they were pressed by the police, gave them shelter in stormy weather, concealed their arms and ammunition, and permitted them to use the monastery as a meeting place before and after their raids. It would be perfectly natural for the bandits who captured Miss Stone to take their captives to St. Ryle for the night or for a longer period if they happened to be in that locality, and, acting upon this knowledge of their habits, the government ordered the place to be searched. The monastery has withstood many a siege, and has been the scene of slaughter and suffering as well as devotion during every epoch of Bulgarian history. The fanaticism of the Moslems is recorded upon the frescoes that represent Christian saints and legends, by numerous gashes made by scimiters and punctures by yataghans. The cells are damp and narrow and without creature comforts, but the holy fathers seem to be contented, and judging from their appearance have not entirely denied themselves carnal pleasures.

John of Ryle lived in the tenth century and died in the year 976. St. Methodias lived from 852 to 888. The monastery was originally built in the eleventh century. In those days Bulgaria was a powerful nation, and its opulence and the magnificence of its court were the wonder of the world. The ruins of the palaces of the Bulgarian czars at Tirnova, the ancient capital, are extensive and still show evidences of their original splendor. The walls were decorated with gold and inlaid with mosaics of gilded glass. The pillars were of polished marble, and much bronze was used in ornamentation. In the early chronicles we catch a glimpse of the czar who sat upon a throne of ivory ornamented with gold, silver and precious stones, in an audience chamber of marble. His robe was trimmed with pearls, his girdle glistened with diamonds, his armor tinkled with the chains of gold coin that hung about his neck and shoulders. The bracelets, anklets and collars which he wore were embossed with jewels of great price, and his scepter was set with rubies, diamonds, sapphires and other precious stones, like those that can now be seen among the relics of early Russian history in the Kremlin at Moscow.

Tirnova, the ancient capital, still stands, a picturesque study, upon the rocky walls of a rapid river. Its streets run up and down the slopes of the hills; its houses are perched upon rocks. Ingenious warriors in olden times utilized the limestone cliffs which surround it and rise to altitudes of seven or eight hundred feet, for fortifications, partly natural and partly artificial. Among them appear groups of gayly painted houses separated by the heavy foliage of the venerable trees and luxurious gardens. The domes of the Greek churches, the minarets of the mosques, the clock towers, steeples and the French roofs of modern buildings form a curious architectural medley. The East and West meet in this romantic little place, where nature seems to have forbidden a city to be built.

In the center of the town, upon the longest street, is a natural bridge of stone spanning a deep chasm, through which the river Jantra flows. It is not so high nor so wide by half as the natural bridge of Virginia, but is equally curious, and being in the center of a city is, of course, of greater interest. Some historians assert that both the causeway and the chasm were cut by human hands as a protection to the citadel which stands upon the other side. If this is true it was an ingenious device, and before the days of gunpowder and heavy artillery the place must have been impregnable.

Ancient history occasionally appears in a most startling manner, and it is often difficult to realize that you are actually gazing upon buildings and scenes that are identified with the most romantic episodes of human history. Here, in the tower of this picturesque castle, Baldwin, the Frank crusader who accompanied Richard the Lion-Hearted and became Emperor of Constantinople, was confined as a prisoner. He was defeated at Adrianople by the Bulgarian army under the Czar Kalojan, and brought to Tirnova, where he was imprisoned for several years, and is said to have been buried alive. They call it “Baldwin’s Tower,” and although partially ruined it is still sufficiently preserved to give one an idea of its original appearance, and its walls and windows look out upon one of the most beautiful views in the world.

Attached to the palace of the Bulgarian czars were gardens filled with fruit trees and flowering plants whose traces still remain until the present day. Wherever the earth is turned or a cellar is dug for a new building, vestiges of former grandeur and sometimes relics of the Roman occupation are disclosed. Lying by the roadside are mutilated remains of marble pillars and pedestals; capitals with bulls’ heads and wreaths exquisitely carved; discs of glazed pottery and gilded glass; pieces of molding with bronze still clinging to them; quartz enameled with colors and gold, and sometimes fragments of plaster still retaining the colors of a fresco.