NOTES, OF THE PROTESTANT SUCCESSION.

110 It appears from the speeches and proclamations and whole train of King James I.’s actions, as well as his son’s, that they considered the English government as a simple monarchy, and never imagined that any considerable part of their subjects entertained a contrary idea. This made them discover their pretensions without preparing any force to support them, and even without reserve or disguise, which are always employed by those who enter upon any new project, or endeavour to innovate in any government. King James told his Parliament plainly, when they meddled in State affairs, “Ne sutor ultra crepidam.” He used also at his table, in promiscuous companies, to advance his notions in a manner still more undignified, as we may learn from a story told in the life of Mr. Waller, and which that poet used frequently to repeat. When Mr. Waller was young, he had the curiosity to go to court; and he stood in the circle and saw King James dine where, amongst other company, there sat at table two bishops. The King, openly and aloud, proposed this question: “Whether he might not take his subjects’ money, when he had occasion for it, without all this formality of Parliament?” The one bishop readily replied, “God forbid you should not, for you are the breath of our nostrils.” The other bishop declined answering, and said he was not skilled in Parliamentary cases; but upon the King’s urging him, and saying he would admit of no evasion, his lordship replied very pleasantly, “Why, then, I think your Majesty may lawfully take my brother’s money, for he offers it.” In Sir Walter Raleigh’s preface to the History of the World there is this remarkable passage: “Philip II., by strong hand and main force, attempted to make himself not only an absolute monarch over the Netherlands, like unto the kings and sovereigns of England and France, but, Turk-like, to tread under his feet all their natural and fundamental laws, privileges and ancient rights.” Spenser, speaking of some grants of the English kings to the Irish corporations, says: “All which, though at the time of their first grant they were tolerable, and perhaps reasonable, yet now are most unreasonable and inconvenient. But all these will easily be cut off with the superior power of her Majesty’s prerogative, against which her own grants are not to be pleaded or enforced.” (State of Ireland, p. 1537, edit. 1706.)

As these were very common, if not perhaps the universal notions of the times, the two first princes of the house of Stuart were the more excusable for their mistake. And Rapin, suitable to his usual malignity and partiality, seems to treat them with too much severity upon account of it.

111 Those who consider how universal this pernicious practice of funding has become all over Europe may perhaps dispute this last opinion, but we lay under less necessity than other States.

112 This was published in the year 1752.