FOOTNOTES
1. Bull Quo elongati of September 28, 1230. See p. 336.
2. It is needless to say that I have no desire to put myself in opposition to that principle, one of the most fruitful of criticism, but still it should not be employed alone.
3. The learned works that have appeared in Germany in late years err in the same way. They will be found cited in the body of the work.
4. Eccl., 13. Voluerunt ipsi, quos ad capitulam concesserat venire frater Helias; nam omnes concessit, etc. An. fr., t. i., p. 241. Cf. Mon. Germ. hist. Script., t., 28, p. 564.
5. The death of Francis occurred on October 3, 1226. On March 29, 1228, Elias acquired the site for the basilica. The Instrumentum donationis is still preserved at Assisi: Piece No. 1 of the twelfth package of Instrumenta diversa pertinentia ad Sacrum Conventum. It has been published by Thode: Franz von Assisi, p. 359.
On July 17th of the same year, the day after the canonization, Gregory IX. solemnly laid the first stone. Less than two years afterward the Lower church was finished, and on May 25, 1230, the body of the Saint was carried there. In 1236 the Upper church was finished. It was already decorated with a first series of frescos, and Giunta Pisano painted Elias, life size, kneeling at the foot of the crucifix over the entrance to the choir. In 1239 everything was finished, and the campanile received the famous bells whose chimes still delight all the valley of Umbria. Thus, then, three months and a half before the canonization, Elias received the site of the basilica. The act of canonization commenced at the end of May, 1228 (1 Cel., 123 and 124. Cf. Potthast, 8194ff).
6. Spec., 167a. Cf. An. fr., ii., p. 45 and note.
7. The Bollandists followed the text (A. SS., Octobris, t. ii., pp. 683-723) of a manuscript of the Cistercian abbey of Longpont in the diocese of Soissons. It has since been published in Rome in 1806, without the name of the editor (in reality by the Convent Father Rinaldi), under the title: Seraphici viri S. Francisci Assisiatis vitæ dual auctore B. Thoma de Celano, according to a manuscript (of Fallerone, in the March of Ancona) which was stolen in the vicinity of Terni by brigands from the Brother charged with bringing it back. The second text was reproduced at Rome in 1880 by Canon Amoni: Vita prima S. Francisci, auctore B. Thoma de Celano. Roma, tipografia della pace, 1880, in 8vo, 42 pp. The citations will follow the divisions made by the Bollandists, but in many important passages the Rinaldi-Amoni text gives better readings than that of the Bollandists. The latter has been here and there retouched and filled out. See, for example, 1 Cel., 24 and 31. As for the manuscripts, Father Denifle thinks that the oldest of those which are known is that at Barcelona: Archivo de la corona de Aragon, Ripoll, n. 41 (Archiv., t. i., p. 148). There is one in the National Library of Paris, Latin alcove, No. 3817, which includes a curious note: "Apud Perusium felix domnus papa Gregorius nonus gloriosi secundo pontificus sui anno, quinto kal. martii (February 25, 1229) legendam hanc recepit, confirmavit et censuit fore tenendam." Another manuscript, which merits attention, both because of its age, thirteenth century, and because of the correction in the text, and which appears to have escaped the researches of the students of the Franciscans, is the one owned by the École de Médicine at Montpellier, No. 30, in vellum folio: Passionale vetus ecclesiæ S. Benigni divionensis. The story of Celano occupies in it the fos. 257a-271b. The text ends abruptly in the middle of paragraph 112 with supiriis ostendebant. Except for this final break it is complete. Cf. Archives Pertz, t. vii., pp. 195 and 196. Vide General catalogue of the manuscripts of the public libraries of the departments, t. i., p. 295.
8. Vide 1 Cel., Prol. Jubente domino et glorioso Papa Gregorio. Celano wrote it after the canonization (July 16, 1228) and before February 25, 1229, for the date indicated above raises no difficulty.
9. 1 Cel., 56. Perhaps he was the son of that Thomas, Count of Celano, to whom Ryccardi di S. Germano so often made allusion in his chronicle: 1219-1223. See also two letters of Frederick II. to Honorius III., on April 24 and 25, 1223, published in Winckelmann: Acta imperii inedita, t. i., p. 232.
10. Giord., 19.
11. Giord., 30 and 31.
12. Giord., 59. Cf. Glassberger, ann. 1230. The question whether he is the author of the Dies iræ would be out of place here.
13. This is so true that the majority of historians have been brought to believe in two generalates of Elias, one in 1227-1230, the other in 1236-1239. The letter Non ex odio of Frederick II. (1239) gives the same idea: Revera papa iste quemdam religiosum et timoratum fratrem Helyam, ministrum ordinis fratrum minorum ab ipso beato Francisco patre ordinis migrationis suæ tempore constitutum ... in odium nostrum ... deposuit. Huillard-Breholles: Hist. dipl. Fred. II., t. v., p. 346.
14. He is named only once, 1 Cel., 48.
15. 1 Cel., 95, 98, 105, 109. The account of the Benediction is especially significant. Super quem inquit (Franciscus) tenes dexteram meam? Super fratrem Heliam, inquiunt. Et ego sic volo, sit.... 1 Cel., 108. Those last words obviously disclose the intention. Cf. 2 Cel., 3, 139.
16. 1 Cel., 102; cf. 91 and 109. Brother Leo is not even named in the whole work. Nor Angelo, Illuminato, Masseo either!
17. 1 Cel., Prol., 73-75; 99-101; 121-126. Next to St. Francis, Gregory IX. and Brother Elias (1 Cel., 69; 95; 98; 105; 108; 109) are in the foreground.
18. 1 Cel., 18 and 19; 116 and 117.
19. Those which occurred during the absence of Francis (1220-1221). He overlooks the difficulties met at Rome in seeking the approbation of the first Rule; he mentions those connected neither with the second nor the third, and makes no allusion to the circumstances which provoked them. He recognized them, however, having lived in intimacy with Cæsar of Speyer, the collaborator of the second (1221).
20. For example, Francis's journey to Spain.
21. 1 Cel., 1, 88. Et sola quæ necessaria magis occurrunt ad præsens intendimus adnotare. It is to be observed that in the prologue he speaks in the singular.
22. In 1238 he had sent Elias to Cremona, charged with a mission for Frederick II. Salembeni, ann. 1229. See also the reception given by Gregory IX. to the appellants against the General. Giord., 63.
23. See the letter of Frederick II. to Elias upon the translation of St. Elizabeth, May, 1236. Winkelmann, Acta i., p. 299. Cf. Huillard-Bréholles, Hist. dipl. Intr. p. cc.
24. The authorities for this story are: Catalogus ministrorum of Bernard of Besse, ap Ehrle, Zeitschrift, vol. 7 (1883), p. 339; Speculum, 207b, and especially 167a-170a; Eccl., 13; Giord., 61-63; Speculum, Morin., tract i., fo. 60b.
25. Asserabat etiam ipse prædictus frater Helyas ... papam ... fraudem facere de pecunia collecta ad succursum Terræ Sanctæ, scripta etiam ad beneplacitum suum in camera sua bullare clam et sine fratrum assensu et etiam cedulas vacuas, sed bullatas, multas nunciis suis traderet ... et alia multa enormia imposuit domino papæ ponens os suum in celo. Matth. Paris, Chron. Maj., ann. 1239, ap Mon. Ger. hist. Script., t. 28, p. 182. Cf. Ficker, n. 2685.
26. Vide Ryccardi di S. Germano, Chron., ap Mon. Ger. hist. Script., t. 19, p. 380, ann. 1239. The letter of Frederick complaining of the deposition of Elias (1239): Huillard-Bréholles, Hist. Dipl., v., pp. 346-349. Cf. the Bull, Attendite ad petram, at the end of February, 1240, ibid., pp. 777-779; Potthast, 10849.
27. He was without doubt one of the bitterest adversaries of the emperor. His village had been burnt in 1224, by order of Frederick II., and the inhabitants transported to Sicily, afterward to Malta. Ryccardi di S. Germano, loc. cit., ann. 1223 and 1224.
28. Vide the prologue to 2 Cel. and to the 3 Soc. Cf. Glassberger, ann. 1244, An. fr., ii., p. 68. Speculum, Morin, tract. i., 61b.
29. Catalogus ministrorum, edited by Ehrle: Zeitschrift, t. 7 (1883). no. 5. Cf. Spec., 208a. Mark of Lisbon speaks of it a little more at length, but he gives the honor of it to Giovanni of Parma, ed. Diola, t. ii., p. 38. On the other hand, in manuscript 691 of the archives of the Sacro-Convento at Assisi (a catalogue of the library of the convent made in 1381) is found, fo. 45a, a note of that work: "Dyalogus sanctorum fratrum cum postibus cujus principium est: Venerabilia gesta patrum dignosque memoria, finis vero; non indigne feram me quoque reperisse consortem. In quo libro omnes quaterni sunt xiii."
30. The text was published for the first time by the Bollandists (A. SS., Octobris, t. ii., pp. 723-742), after a manuscript of the convent of the Brothers Minor of Louvain. It is from this edition that we make our citations. The editions published in Italy in the course of this century, cannot be found, except the last, due to Abbé Amoni. This one, unfortunately, is too faulty to serve as the basis of a scientific study. It appeared in Rome in 1880 (8vo, pp. 184) under the title: Legenda S. Francisci Assisiensis quæ dicitur Legenda trium sociorum ex cod. membr. Biblioth. Vatic. num. 7339.
31. 2 Cel., 2, 5; 3, 7; 1 Cel., 60; Bon., 113; 1 Cel., 84; Bon., 149; 2 Cel., 2, 14; 3, 10.
32. Giovanni di Parma retired thither in 1276 and lived there almost entirely until his death (1288). Tribul., Archiv., vol. ii. (1886), p. 286.
33. 3 Soc., 25-67.
34. 3 Soc., 68-73.
35. The minister-general Crescentius of Jesi was an avowed adversary of the Zealots of the Rule. The contrary idea has been held by M. Müller (Anfänge, p. 180); but that learned scholar is not, it appears, acquainted with the recitals of the Chronicle of the Tribulations, which leave not a single doubt as to the persecutions which he directed against the Zealots (Archiv., t. ii., pp. 257-260). Anyone who attempts to dispute the historical worth of this proof will find a confirmation in the bulls of August 5, 1244, and of February 7, 1246 (Potthast, 11450 and 12007). It was Crescentius, also, who obtained a bull stating that the Basilica of Assisi was Caput et Mater ordinis, while for the Zealots this rank pertained to the Portiuncula (1 Cel., 106; 3 Soc., 56; Bon., 23; 2 Cel., 1, 12; Conform., 217 ff). (See also on Crescentius, Glassberger, ann. 1244, An. fr., p. 69; Sbaralea, Bull. fr., i., p. 502 ff; Conform., 121b. 1.) M. Müller has been led into error through a blunder of Eccleston, 9 (An. fr., i., p. 235). It is evident that the chapter of Genoa (1244) could not have pronounced against the Declaratio Regulæ published November 14, 1245. On the contrary, it is Crescentius who called forth this Declaratio, against which, not without regret, the Zealots found a majority of the chapter of Metz (1249) presided over by Giovanni of Parma, a decided enemy of any Declaratio (Archiv., ii., p. 276). This view is found to be confirmed by a passage of the Speculum Morin (Rouen, 1509), fo 62a: In hoc capitulo (Narbonnæ) fuit ordinatum quod declaratio D. Innocentii, p. iv., maneat suspensa sicut in Capitulo METENSI. Et præceptum est omnibus ne quis utatur ea in iis in quibus expositioni D. Gregorii IX. contradicit.
36. Published with all necessary scientific apparatus by F. Ehrle, S. J., in his studies Zur Vorgeschichte des Concils von Vienne. Archiv., ii., pp. 353-416; iii., pp. 1-195.
37. See, for example, Archiv., iii., p. 53 ff. Cf. 76. Adduxi verba et facta b. Francisci sicut est aliquando in legenda et sicut a sociis sancti patris audivi et in cedulis sanctæ memoriæ fratris Leonis legi manu sua conscriptis, sicut ab ore beati Francisci audivit. Ib., p. 85.
38. Hæc omnia patent per sua [B. Francisci] verba expressa per sanctum fratrem virum Leonem ejus socium tam de mandato sancti patris quam etiam de devotione prædicti fratris fuerunt solemniter conscripta, in libro qui habetur in armario fratrum de Assisio et in rotulis ejus, quos apud me habeo, manu ejusdem fratris Leonis conscriptis. Archiv., iii., p. 168. Cf. p. 178.
39. 3 Soc., Prol. Non contenti narrare solum miracula ... conversationis insignia et pii beneplaciti voluntatem.
40. Leggenda di S. Francesco, tipografia Morici et Badaloni, Recanati, 1856, 1 vol., 8vo.
41. See Father Stanislaus's preface.
42. 3 Soc., 68-73.
43. The book lacks little of representing St. Francis as taking up the work of Jesus, interrupted (by the fault of the secular clergy) since the time of the apostles. The viri evangelici consider the members of the clergy filios extraneos. 3 Soc., 48 and 51. Cf. 3 Soc., 48. Inveni virum ... per quem, credo Dominus velit in toto mundo fedem sanctæ Ecclesiæ reformare. Cf. 2 Cel., 3, 141. Videbatur revera fratri et omnium comitatium turbæ quod Christi et b. Francisci una persona foret.
44. A. SS. p. 552.
45. Venetiis, expensis domini Jordani de Dinslaken per Simonem de Luere, 30 januarii, 1504. Impressum Metis per Jasparem Hochffeder, Anno Domini 1509. These two editions are identical, small 12mos, of 240 folios badly numbered. Edited under the same title by Spoelberch, Antwerp, 1620, 2 tomes in one volume, 8vo, 208 and 192 pages, with a mass of alterations. The most important manuscript resembles that of the Vatican 4354. There are two at the Mazarin Library, 904 and 1350, dated 1459 and 1460, one at Berlin (MS. theol. lat., 4to, no. 196 sæc. 14). Vide Ehrle, Zeitschrift. t. vii. (1883), p. 392f; Analecta fr., t. i., p. xi.; Miscellanea, 1888, pp. 119. 164. Cf. A. SS., pp. 550-552.
The chapters are numbered in the first 72 folios only, but these numbers teem with errors; fo. 38b. caput lix., 40b, lix., 41b, lxi. ibid., lxii., 42a, lx., 43a, lxi. Besides at fos. 46b and 47b there are two chapters lxvi. There are two lxxi., two lxxii., two lxxiii., etc.
46. For example, the history of the brigands of Monte-Casale, fos. 46b, and 58b. The remarks of Brother Elias to Francis, who is continually singing, 136b and 137a. The visit of Giacomina di Settesoli, 133a and 138a. The autograph benediction given to Brother Leo, 87a; 188a.
47. At fo. 20b we read: Tertium capitulam de charitate et compassione et condescensione ad proximum. Capitulum xxvi. Cf. 26a, 83a, 117b, 119a, 122a, 128b, 133b, 136b, where there are similar indications.
48. Fo. 5b: Incipit Speculum vitæ b. Francesci et sociorum ejus. Fo. 7b; Incipit Speculum perfectionis.
49. We should search for it in vain in the other pieces of the Speculum, and it reappears in the fragments of Brother Leo cited by Ubertini di Casali and Angelo Clareno.
50. Fo. 8b, 11a, 12a, 15a, 18b, 21b, 23b, 26a, 29a, 33b, 43b, 41a, 48b, 118a, 129a, 130a, 134a, 135a, 136a.
51. Does not Thomas de Celano say in the prologue of the Second Life: "Oramus ergo, benignissime pater, ut laboris hujus non contemnenda munuscula ... vestra benedictione consecrare velitis, corrigendo errata et superflua resecantes."
52. The legend of 3 Soc. was preserved in the Convent of Assisi: "Omnia ... fuerunt conscripta ... per Leonem, ... in libro qui habetur in armario fratrum de Assisio." Ubertini, Archiv., iii., p. 168. Later, Brother Leo seems to have gone more into detail as to certain facts; he confided these new manuscripts to the Clarisses: "In rotulis ejus quos apud me habeo, manu ejusdem fratres Leonis conscriptis," ibid. Cf. p. 178. "Quod sequitur a sancto fratre Conrado predicto et viva voce audivit a sancto fratre Leone qui presens erat et regulam scripsit. Et hoc ipsum in quibusdam rotulis manu sua conscriptis quos commendavit in monasterio S. Claræ custodiendos.... In illis multa scripsit ... quæ industria fr. Bonaventura omisit et noluit in legenda publice scribere, maxime quia aliqua erant ibi in quibus ex tunc deviatio regulæ publice monstrabatur et nolebat fratres ante tempus in famare." Arbor., lib. v., cap 5. Cf. Antiquitates, p. 146. Cf. Speculum, 50b. "Infra scripta verba, frater Leo socius et Confessor B. Francisci, Conrado de Offida, dicebat se habuisse ex ore Beati Patris nostri Francisci, quæ idem Frater Conradus retulit, apud Sanctum Damianum prope Assisium." Conrad di Offidia copied, then, both the book of Brother Leo and his rotuli; he added to it certain oral information (Arbor, vit. cruc., lib. v., cap. 3), and so perhaps composed the collection so often cited by the Conformists under the title of Legenda Antiqua and reproduced in part in the Speculum. The numbering of the chapters, which the Speculum has awkwardly inserted without noting that they were not in accord with his own division, were vestiges of the division adopted by Conrad di Offida.
It may well be that, after the interdiction of his book and its confiscation at the Sacro Convento, Brother Leo repeated in his rotuli a large part of the facts already made, so that the same incident, while coming solely from Brother Leo, could be presented under two different forms, according as it would be copied from the book or the rotuli.
53. Compare, for example, 2 Cel., 120: Vocation of John the Simple, and Speculum, fo 37a. From the account of Thomas de Celano, one does not understand what drew John to St. Francis; in the Speculum everything is explained, but Celano has not dared to depict Francis going about preaching with a broom upon his shoulder to sweep the dirty churches.
54. It was published for the first time at Rome, in 1806, by Father Rinaldi, following upon the First Life (vide above, p. 365, note 2), and restored in 1880 by Abbé Amoni: Vita secunda S. Francisci Assisiensis auctore B. Thomade Celano ejus discipulo. Romæ, tipografia della pace, 1880, 8vo, 152 pp. The citations are from this last edition, which I collated at Assisi with the most important of the rare manuscripts at present known: Archives of Sacro Convento, MS. 686, on parchment of the end of the thirteenth century, if I do not mistake, 130 millim. by 142; 102 numbered pages. Except for the fact that the book is divided into two parts instead of three, the last two forming only one, I have not found that it noticeably differs from the text published by Amoni; the chapters are divided only by a paragraph and a red letter, but they have in the table which occupies the first seven pages of the volume the same titles as in the edition Amoni.
This Second Life escaped the researches of the Bollandists. It is impossible to explain how these students ignored the worth of the manuscript which Father Theobaldi, keeper of the records of Assisi, mentioned to them, and of which he offered them a copy (A. SS., Oct., t. ii., p. 546f). Father Suysken was thus thrown into inextricable difficulties, and exposed to a failure to understand the lists of biographies of St. Francis arranged by the annalists of the Order; he was at the same time deprived of one of the most fruitful sources of information upon the acts and works of the Saint. Professor Müller (Die Anfänge, pp. 175-184) was the first to make a critical study of this legend. His conclusions appear to me narrow and extreme. Cf. Analecta fr., t. ii., pp. xvii.-xx. Father Ehrle mentions two manuscripts, one in the British Museum, Harl., 47; the other at Oxford, Christ College, cod. 202. Zeitschrift, 1883, p. 390.
55. The Three Companions foresee the possibility of their legend being incorporated with other documents: quibus (legendis) hæc pauca quæ scribimus poleritis facere inseri, si vestra discretio viderit esse justum. 3 Soc, Prol.
56. One phrase of the Prologue (2 Cel.) shows that the author received an entirely special commission: Placuit ... robis ... parvitati nostræ injungere, while on the contrary the 3 Soc. shows that the decision of the chapter only remotely considered them: Cum de mandato prœteriti capituli fratres teneantur ... visum est nobis ... pauca de multis ... sanctitati vestræ intimare. 3 Soc., Prol.
57. Compare the Prologue of 2 Cel. with that of 1 Cel.
58. Longum esset de singulis persequi, qualiter bravium supernæ vocationis attigerit. 2 Cel., 1, 10.
59. This first part corresponds exactly to that portion of the legend of the 3 Soc., which Crescentius had authorized.
60. Observe that the Assisi MS. 686 divides the Second Life into two parts only by joining the last two.
61. Salimbeni, ann. 1248.
62. Glassberger, ann. 1253. An. fr. t. ii., p. 73. Frater Johannes de Parma minister generalis, multiplicatis litteris præcipit fr. Thomæ de Celano (cod. Ceperano), ut vitam beati Francisci quæ antiqua Legenda dicitur perficeret, quia solum de ejus conversatione et verbis in primo tractatu, de mandato, Fr. Crescentii olim generalis compilato, ommissis miraculis fecerat mentionem, et sic secundum tractatum de miraculis sancti Patris compilavit, quem cum epistola quæ incipit: Religiosa vestra sollicitudo eidem generali misit.
This treatise on the miracles is lost, for one cannot identify it, as M. Müller suggests (Anfänge, p. 177), with the second part (counting three with the Amoni edition) of the Second Life: 1o, epistle Religiosa vestra sollicitudo does not have it; 2o, this second part is not a collection of miracles, using this word in the sense of miraculous cures which it had in the thirteenth century. The twenty-two chapters of this second part have a marked unity; they might be entitled Francis a prophet, but not Francis a thaumaturgus.
63. In the Prologue (2 Cel., 2, Prol.) Insignia patrum the author speaks in the singular, while the Epilogue is written in the name of a group of disciples.
64. Greccio, 2 Cel., 2, 5; 14; 3, 7; 10; 103.—Rieti, 2 Cel., 2, 10; 11; 12; 13; 3, 36; 37; 66; 103.
65. St. Francis gives him an autograph, 2 Cel., 2, 18. Cf. Fior. ii. consid.; his tunic, 2 Cel., 2, 19; he predicts to him a famine, 2 Cel., 2, 21; cf. Conform., 49b. Fr. Leo ill at Bologna, 2 Cel., 3, 5.
66. The text of Ubertini di Casali may be found in the Archiv., t. iii., pp. 53, 75, 76, 85, 168, 178, where Father Ehrle points out the corresponding passages of 2 Cel.
67. It is the subject of thirty-seven narratives (1, 2 Cel., 3, 1-37), then come examples on the spirit of prayer (2 Cel., 3, 38-44), the temptations (2 Cel., 3, 58-64), true happiness (2 Cel., 3, 64-79), humility (2 Cel., 3, 79-87), submission (2 Cel., 3, 88, 91), etc.
68. Le Monnier, t. i., p. xi.; F. Barnabé, Portiuncula, p. 15. Cf. Analecta fr., t. ii., p. xxi. Zeitschrift für kath. Theol., vii. (1883), p. 397.
69. Il piu antico poema della vita di S. Francisco d'Assisi scritto inanzi all' anno 1230 ora per la prima volta pubblicato et tradotto da Antonio Cristofani, Prato, 1882, 1 vol., 8vo. 288 pp.
70. Note, however, two articles of the Miscellanea, one on the manuscript of this biography which is found in the library at Versailles, t. iv. (1889), p. 34 ff.; the other on the author of the poem, t. v. (1890), pp. 2-4 and 74 ff.
72. Vide Glassberger, ann. 1244; Analecta, t. ii., p. 68. Cf. A. SS., p. 545 ff.
73. Manuscript in the Library of Turin, J. vi., 33, fo 95a.
74. Plenam virtutibus S. Francisci vitam scripsit in Italia ... frater Thomas ... in Francia vero frater Julianus scientia et sanctitate conspicuus qui etiam nocturnali sancti officium in littera et cantu possuit præter hymnos et aliquas antiphonas quae summus ipse Pontifex et aliqui de Cardinalibus in sancti præconium ediderunt. Opening of the De laudibus of Bernard of Besse. See below, p. 413. Laur. MS., fo 95a. Cf. Giord., 53; Conform., 75b.
75. In proof of this is the circular letter, Licet insufficentiam nostram, addressed by Bonaventura, April 23, 1257, immediately after his election, to the provincials and custodes upon the reformation of the Order. Text: Speculum, Morin, tract. iii., fo 213a.
76. Salimbeni, ann. 1248, p. 131. The Chronica tribulationum gives a long and dramatic account of these events: Archiv., t. ii., pp. 283 ff. "Tunc enim sapientia et sanctitas fratris Bonaventuræ eclipsata paluit et obscurata est et ejus manswetudo (sic) ab agitante spiritu in furorum et iram defecit." Ib., p. 283.
77. Bon., 3. 1. At the same chapter were collected the constitutions of the Order according to edicts of the preceding chapters; new ones were added to them and all were arranged. In the first of the twelve rubrics the chapter prescribed that, upon the publication of the account, all the old constitutions should be destroyed. The text was published in the Firmamentum trium ordinum, fo 7b, and restored lately by Father Ehrle: Archiv., t. vi. (1891), in his beautiful work Die ältesten Redactionen der General-constitutionen des Franziskanerordens. Cf. Speculum Morin, fo. 195b of tract. iii.
78. The Legenda Minor of Bonaventura was also approved at this time; it is simply an abridgment of the Legenda Major arranged for use of the choir on the festival of St. Francis and its octave.
79. "Item præcipit Generale capitulum per obedientiam quod omnes legenæ de B. Francisco olim factæ deleantur et ubi inveniri poterant extra ordinem ipsas fratres studeant amovere, cum illa legenda quæ facta est per Generalem sit compilata prout ipse habuit ab ore illorum qui cum B. Francisco quasi semper fuerunt et cuncta certitudinaliter sciverint et probata ibi sint posita diligenter." This precious text has been found and published by Father Rinaldi in his preface to the text of Celano: Seraphici viri Francisci vitæ duæ, p. xi. Wadding seems to have known of it, at least indirectly, for he says: "Utramque Historiam, longiorem et breviorem, obtulit (Bonaventura) triennio post in comitiis Pisanis patribus Ordinis, quas reverentur cum gratiarum actione, SUPRESSIS ALIIS QUIBUSQUE LEGENDIS, ADMISERUNT." Ad ann., 1260, no. 18. Cf. Ehrle, Zeitschrift für kath. Theol., t. vii. (1883), p. 386.—"Communicaverat sanctus Franciscus plurima sociis suis et fratribus antiquis, que oblivioni tradita sunt, tum quia que scripta erant in legenda prima, nova edita a fratre. Bonaventura deleta et destructa sunt, ipsojubente tum quia ..." Chronica tribul., Archiv., t. ii., p. 256.
80. Bon., 188-204.
81. Bon., 218.
82. Bernardo (Bon., 28), Egidio (Bon., 29), and Silvestro (Bon., 30).
83. Bon., 49.
84. Bon., 112.
85. Bon., 111.
86. Vide Bon., 115; 99, etc. M. Thode has enumerated the stories relating especially to Bonaventura: (Franz von Assisi, p. 535).
87. Manuscript I, iv., 33, of the library of the University of Turin. It is a 4to upon parchment of the close of the fourteenth century, 124 ff. It comprises first the biography of St. Francis by St. Bonaventura and a legend of St. Clara, afterwards at fo 95 the De laudibus. The text will soon be published in the Analecta franciscana of the Franciscans of Quaracchi, near Florence.
88. In reading it we quickly discover that he was specially well acquainted with the convents of the Province of Aquitania, and noted with care everything that concerned them.
89. Wadding, ann. 1230, no. 7. Many passages prove at least that he accompanied Bonaventura in his travels: "Hoc enim (the special aid of Brother Egidio) in iis quæ ad bonum animæ pertinent devotus Generalis et Cardinalis predictus ... nos docuit." Fo 96a. Jamdudum ego per Theutoniæ partes et Flandriæ cum Ministro transiens Generali. Ibid., fo 106a.
90. Bernard de Besse is the author of many other writings, notably an important Calalogus Ministrorum generalium published after the Turin manuscript by Father Ehrle (Zeitschrift für kath. Theol., t. vii., pp. 338-352), with a very remarkable critical introduction (ib., pp. 323-337). Cf. Archiv für Litt. u. Kirchg., i., p. 145.—Bartolommeo di Pisa, when writing his Conformities, had before him a part of his works, fo 148b, 2; 126a, 1; but he calls the author sometimes Bernardus de Blesa, then again Johannes de Blesa. See also Mark of Lisbon, t. ii., p. 212, and Hauréau, Notices et extraits, t. vi., p. 153.
91. "Denique primos Francisci xii. discipulos ... omnes sanctos fuisse audirimus preter unum qui Ordinem exiens leprosus factus laqueo vel alter Judas interiit, ne Francisco cum Christo vel in discipulis similitudo deficeret," fo 96a.
