FOOTNOTES:
1 Paramo, “De Origine et Progressu Sanctæ Inquisitionis,” p. 588.
2 Possibly the images of the Saviour prevalent in the third century may have contributed to the apparent fitness of this. For at this epoch—and for some three hundred years after—these images embodied the Greek ideas of divinity; they represented Christ as a youth of superb grace and beauty, and they appear largely to have been founded upon the conceptions of Orpheus. Indeed, in one representation which has survived, we see Him as a beardless adolescent, seated upon a mountain, grasping an instrument with whose music he has charmed the wild beasts assembled below. Another picture in the catacombs (included in the illustrations of Didron’s “Iconographie Chrétienne”), representing Him as the Good Shepherd, depicts a vigorous youth, beardless and with short hair, in a tunic descending to the knees; His left hand supporting a lamb which is placed across His shoulders, His right holding a shepherd’s pipe.
That such pictures were not accepted as portraits by the fathers, but merely as idealistic representations, is clear from the disputes which arose in the second century (and were still alive in the eighteenth) on the subject of Christ’s personal appearance. St. Justin argued that to render His sacrifice more touching He must have put on the most abject of human shapes; and St. Cyril, also holding this view, uncompromisingly pronounced Him “the ugliest of the sons of men.” But others, imbued with the old Greek notions that beauty was in itself a mark of divinity, protested: “If He is not beautiful, then He is not God.”
St. Augustine formally states that no knowledge existed in his day (the fourth century) of the features of either the Saviour or His Mother. “Nam et ipsius Dominicæ facies carnis, innumerabilium cogitationum diversitate variatur et fingitur, quæ tamen una erat, quæcumque erat.... Neque enim novimus faciem Virginis Mariæ. Nec novimus omnino, nec credimus” (“De Trinitate,” lib. viii. cap. 4).
It is clear, therefore, that the two miraculous portraits were not known in St. Augustine’s time—i.e. the Veronica, or the Holy Face (which is preserved at St. Peter’s, Rome), and another portrait of similar origin, which it was alleged Christ had, Himself, impressed upon a cloth and sent to Abgarus, Prince of Edessa (as related by St. John of Damascus, in the eighth century). To preserve it, Abgarus glued the cloth upon wood, and thus it came later to Constantinople and thence to Rome, where it is still believed to be treasured in the Church of St. Sylvester in Capite.
These portraits, and still more a letter purporting to have been written to the Roman Senate by Lentulus (who was pro-consul in Judea before Herod) and believed to have been forged to combat the generally repugnant theory that Christ was ugly and deformed (“sine decore et specie”), supply the materials for the representations with which we are to-day familiar. That letter contained the following description:
“At this time there appeared a man who is still living and who is gifted with great power. His name is Jesus Christ. His disciples call him the Son of God; others consider him a mighty prophet.... He is tall of stature and his countenance is severe and full of power, so that to look upon him is to love and to fear him. The hair of his head is of the colour of wine; as far as the roots of the ears it is dull and straight, but from the ears to the shoulders it is curled and glossy; from the shoulders it falls over the back, divided into two parts, after the manner of the Nazarenes. His brow is pure and level; his countenance is without blemish and delicately tinted; his expression is gentle and gracious; his nose and mouth are of perfect beauty; his beard is copious, of the colour of his hair, and forked. His eyes are blue and extremely bright. His face is of marvellous grace and majesty. None has ever seen him laugh, but rather weeping. Erect of body, he has long, straight hands and beautiful arms. In speech he is grave and weighty, and sparing of words. He is the most beautiful of the sons of men (Pulcherrimus vultu inter homines satos).”
It is clear, however, that there was no knowledge either of this description or of the miraculous portraits mentioned as late as the fourth and fifth centuries, during which Christ continued to be represented as the lithe, beardless adolescent. And it is no doubt by these representations that Michelangelo was inspired to present Christ in “The Last Judgment” in a manner so unusual and startling to modern eyes.
Similarly there were no portraits of the Virgin Mary, and it is fairly established that none came into existence until after the Council of Ephesus, and that some seven pictures attributed to St. Luke—four of which are in Rome—are the work of an eleventh-century Florentine painter named Luca.
Whilst on the subject it may be added that the crucifix, as the emblem of Christianity, was not introduced until the seventh century, when it was established by the Quinisexte Council at Constantinople. Its nature rendered its earlier adoption dangerous, if not impossible; since—as the familiar Roman gallows—it was liable to provoke the scorn and derision of the people.
For further information on this subject see Emeric-David, “Histoire de la Peinture,” A. N. Didron, “Iconographie Chrétienne,” and Marangoni, “Istoria della Capella di Sancta Sanctorum.”
3 IX. of the Theodosian Code.
4 Epist. clxvi.
5 “History of Rationalism in Europe,” vol. ii. p. 8.
6 The decretal of Siricius, five years after the execution of Priscillian, strictly enjoined celibacy on all in holy orders above the rank of a sub-deacon, and dissolved all marriages of the clergy existing at the time. Leo the Great, in the middle of the fifth century, further extended the rule so as to include the sub-deacons hitherto excepted. This was largely the cause of the split that occurred between the Greek and Latin Churches.
7 See E. C. H. Babut, “Priscillian et le Priscilliantisme.”
8 “History of the Inquisition,” vol. i. p. 14.
9 And yet Dr. Rule’s statement is perilously akin to a truth untruly told, for the persecuting spirit, which is the impugnable quality of the Holy Office, has been present in other churches than that of Rome—vide the Elizabethan persecution of all who were not members of the Anglican Church.
10 See C. Douais, “Les Hérétiques du Midi au XIIIe Siècle.”
11 Eymericus, “Directorium Inquisitorum,” p. 58.
12 Concilium Avenionense, A.D. 1209.
13 Eymericus, “Directorium Inquisitorum,” p. 60.
14 “Concilium Lateranense IV,” A.D. 1215.
15 See Cæsar, “De Bello Gallico,” p 13., libca vi.
16 “Paradiso,” C. xi. v. 37-39.
“Ma il suo peculio di nuova vivanda
E’ fatto ghiotto si, ch’ esser non puote
Che per diversi salti non si spanda;
“E quanto le sue pecore remote
E vagabonde più da esso vanno,
Più tornano all’ ovil di latte vote.”
Dante, “Paradiso,” C. xi. v. 124-9.
18 Limborch, “Historia Inquisitionis,” lib. i. cap. 12.
19 Limborch, “Historia Inquisitionis,” lib. i. cap. 12.
20 1231, N. 14, 16-17.
21 Or, say, 1½ ft. by 1, ft.
22 Llorente, “Historia Critica,” i. p. 135. Raynaldus 1233.
23 Pulgar, “Chronica,” Part II. cap. li.
24 Pulgar, “Cronica,” II. cap. iv.
25 Pulgar, “Cronica,” II. cap c.
26 The Jesuit Mariana is among those who doubt the story of St. James’s visit to Spain and the presence of his body at Compostella, but he considers that “it is not desirable to disturb with such disputes the devotion of the people.”—“Hist. General de España.”
27 Colmenares, “Historia de Segovia,” cap. xxxiv, §§ xii and xiii; Pulgar, “Cronica,” II. cap. lix.
28 Cap. cc. Bernaldez was the parish priest of Palacios at the time of the Queen’s death. He has left us a rather intimate history of the Catholic Sovereigns, fairly rich in vivid detail.
29 “Hizo corrigir y castigar la gran disolucion y dishonestidad que habian en sus reinos cuando comenzó de reinar entre los frailes y monjas de todas las ordenes, y fizo encerrar las monjas de muchos monasterios que vivian muy dishonestas, asi en Castilla como en los reynos de Aragon y Cataluña.”—Bernaldez, “Historia de los Reyes Catolicos,” cap. cc.
30 St. Helena’s memory was prominently before the public attention just then, owing to the discovery in Rome of a silver box containing what was alleged to be the label that had been hung upon the Cross. Its recovery from the Holy Land was, of course, attributed to St. Helena, and it was supposed that it had been brought by her to Rome.
31 The ducat was worth 7s. 6d. of our present money, with fully five times the purchasing power of that sum; so that, roughly, this would be equivalent to-day to £200,000.
32 Salazar de Mendoza, “Cronica del Gran Cardenal,” I. cap. lii.
33 “Histoire d’Espagne,” tom. v. p. 432.
34 “Historia General de España,” lib. xxiv. cap. xvii.
35 “Chronica de los Reyes Catholicos,” Pt. II. cap. lxxvi.
36 To Judaize (Judaizar) was to embrace the Mosaic law, and the term was applied particularly to the relapse of those who had been converted to Christianity.
37 Toledo, Mendoza tells us, was founded by Hercules, who sailed to Spain in the ship Argo.
38 Tomás Tamayo de Vargas maintains that the Jews in Toledo at the time of the Crucifixion sent a letter of warning and disapproval to their brethren in Jerusalem. This letter—which it is alleged was translated into Castilian when Toledo fell into the hands of Alfonso VI—the historian quotes. Amador de los Rios, in his able and exhaustive history of the Jews in Spain, pronounces the document to have been manufactured to impose upon the credulity of the ignorant, since to any one acquainted with the growth and development of the Castilian language a glance is sufficient to prove its apocryphal character.
It is in this letter that the legend of the Jewish incursion into Spain after the fall of Babylon has its roots. It concludes with the following statement: “... You know that it is certain your temple must soon be destroyed, for which reason our forefathers, upon issuing from the Babylonian captivity, would not return to Jerusalem, but with Pyrrhus for their captain—sent by Cyrus, who gave them many riches taken from Babylon in the year 69 of the captivity—they came to Toledo and built here a great aljama.”
39 “Historia de los Judios en España,” vol. i. pp. 28, 29.
40 A case is at present before the Russian law courts, arising out of a charge of this nature urged by an officer of police.
41 Rios, “Hist. de los Judios,” i. cap. x.
42 See also Torrejoncillo’s “Centinela contra Judios.”
43 This engrossing subject is exhaustively treated with great force and suggestiveness by J. G. Frazer in “The Golden Bough,” bk. iii. cap. iii., and also by P. Wendland in “Jesus als Saturnalien-König.”
44 The decree is quoted by Amador de los Rios in “Historia de los Judios de España y Portugal,” vol. ii. p. 571.
45 See Ortiz de Zuñiga, “Anales de Sevilla,” under año 1391.
46 See Rosseeuw St. Hilaire, “Hist. d’Espagne,” liv. xix. chap. I.
47 “Chronica,” II. cap. lxxvi.
48 See Gregorovius, “Geschichte der Stadt Rom,” bk. ix. cap. ii.
49 Pulgar, “Chronica,” II. cap. lxxvi.
50 In “Claros Varones de España,” Pulgar says that even in the veins of her sometime confessor, Frey Juan de Torquemada, Cardinal of San Sisto, there was a strain of Jewish blood. But the authority is insufficient, and Pulgar, himself a New-Christian, is perhaps anxious to include as many illustrious men of his day as possible in the New-Christian ranks. Zurita, on the other hand, says that the Cardinal’s nephew, Fr. Thomas de Torquemada, the Grand Inquisitor, was of “clean blood”—de limpia linaje (lib. xx. cap. xlix.). The term “clean” in this connection arose out of the popular conception that the blood of a Jew was a dark-hued fluid, distinguishable from the bright red blood of the Christian.
51 Bernaldez, “Historia de los Reyes Catholicos,” cap. xliii: “Modo de vivir de los Judios.”
52 “Anales,” lib. xii. año 1478.
53 “Chronica,” II. cap. lxxvii.
54 “De Origine et Progressu Sanctæ Inquisitionis,” lib. ii. tit. ii. cap. iii.
55 The “relapsos”—of whom we shall hear more presently—were those who, having been converted to Christianity, were guilty of relapsing into Judaism.
56 Paramo, “De Origine,” lib. ii. tit. ii. cap. iii.; Zuniga, “Anales,” 1477.
57 “Anales,” cap. ii. 10.
58 “Historia Verdadera de la Inquisicion,” by D. F. J. G. Rodrigo, vol. ii. p. 111. This history is to be read with the greatest caution. It is an attempt to justify the Inquisition and to combat Llorente’s writings; in his endeavours to achieve this object the author is a little reckless and negligent of exactitude.
59 Paramo, p. 157, and Hernando de Castillo in “Historia de Santo Domingo y de su Orden,” part iii. cap. lxxiv.
60 “Coronica de los Moros de España,” p. 879.
61 Llorente, “Anales,” cap. ii. § 14.
62 “Historic Verdadera,” ii. p. 71.
63 Mendoza, “Monarquia de España,” iii. p. 336. Bleda says that there were 100,000 apostates in that diocese (“Coronica de los Moros,” p. 880).
64 Zuñiga, “Anales,” lib. xii. año 1480.
65 Bernaldez, cap. xliv.; Garcia Rodrigo, i. cap. xx.; Amador de los Rios, “Historia de los Judios,” lib. iii. cap. v.
Amador de los Rios adds in a foot-note, on the score of this girl: “Don Reginaldo Rubino, Bishop of Tiberiades, informed of the delation and of the state of la Fermosa Fembra, contrived that she should enter one of the convents of the city to take the veil. But dominated by her sensual passions, she quitted the convent without professing, and bore several children. Her beauty having been dissipated by age, want overtook the unnatural daughter of the millionaire Diego de Susan, and in the end she died under the protection of a grocer. In her will she disposed that her skull should be placed over the doorway of the house in which she had pursued her evil life as an example and in punishment of her sins. This house is situated in the Calle de Ataúd, opposite to its entrance from the direction of the Alcazar, and there the skull of la Fermosa Fembra has continued until our own times.”
66 Llorente says “January 6,” an obvious mistake considering that the inquisitors published their first edict on the 2nd of that month, and that Susan’s offence was subsequent to that publication.
67 See Garcia Rodrigo, vol. i. cap. xx.
68 Bernaldez tells us (cap. xliv.) that in the town of Aracena alone, where the Inquisitors sought refuge from the pestilence, they set up a tribunal and burnt twenty-three persons alive in addition to the number of bodies they exhumed for the purpose.
69 Bernaldez, cap. xliv.; Zuñiga, “Anales,” lib. xii. año 1481.
70 “Historia de los Reyes Catolicos,” cap. xliv.
71 See Llorente, “Historia Critica,” tom. i. p. 256 et seq.
72 Fidel Fita in “Boletin de la Real Academia de la Historia,” xxiii. p. 370.
73 “Chronica,” part ii. cap. lxxvii.
74 This, however, is a statement in which a misconception seems obvious. If the statues were of plaster (and it is Llorente himself who says so) they would not have stood the heat of furnaces placed beneath them. Moreover, since death in such ovens would have been more lingering and painful than at the stake, it is difficult to think upon what possible grounds, where all were equally guilty, any of the condemned should have been relegated to this further degree of torment, or—conversely—those who died at the stake should have been spared it. Besides, it is to be remembered that it was desired, and held desirable, that the victims should suffer in full view of the faithful. But the mistake which has crept in can be indicated. What Bernaldez actually says is: “Ficieron facer aquel quemadero en Tablado con aquellos quatro profetas de yeso en que los quemaban.” The “en que” may refer either to the Quemadero generally or to the statues in particular. But there can be little doubt that it refers to the Quemadero, and that Llorente was mistaken in assuming it to refer to the statues.
A curious instance of adapting the shape of a fact so that it will fit the idea to be conveyed is afforded in this connection by Dr. Rule, who calmly alters the substance of the statues, translating yeso as “limestone.” “Hist. of the Inquisition,” vol. i. p. 134.
75 Garcia Rodrigo tells us that the architect of this elaborate altar of intolerance was a New-Christian of such zeal that he found employment in the Holy Office as one of its receivers, but that being discovered in Judaizing practices he was himself burnt on the Quemadero he had erected. No authority is furnished for the story, nor does Llorante mention it, and one is inclined to place it in the category of fables such as that which relates how the first head to be shorn off by the guillotine was that of its inventor, Dr. Guillotin.
76 Paramo, “De Origine,” p. 133. Llorente quotes this brief from Lumbreras, adding that the original is in the royal library. See his “Memoria Historica,” p. 260.
77 “... e fueron aplicados todos sus bienes para la Camara del Rey y de la Reyna, los cuales fueron en gran cantidad.”—Pulgar, “Cronica,” cap. xcv.
78 Paramo, “De Origine,” p. 136.
79 See letter quoted in Appendix to Llorente’s “Memoria Historica.”
80 The bull of nomination is quoted in full by Paramo, “De Origine,” p. 137.
81 “Hist. Critica,” tom. i. art. i. §. 2.
82 Afterwards Ciudad Real.
83 “Copilacion de las Instrucciones hechas, etc.” Press-mark C. 61. e. 6.
84 Eymeric, “Directorium,” pars iii. Quæst. xli. et seq.
85 The compendious tome including these very ample annotations and commentaries was published first in Rome, 1585.
86 Tennyson’s “Queen Mary,” Act V. sc. i.
87 See Eymeric, “Directorium,” pars iii. p. 315 et seq.
88 See Fidel Fita in “Boletín de la Real Academia de la Historia,” vol. xi. p. 296.
89 “Vida de Arbués,” p. 56.
It is interesting to turn to modern writers who defend this secrecy—such, for instance, as the Rev. Sidney Smith, S.J., whose good faith there is no cause to doubt. He writes as follows: “To pass over the question of injury often done to the reputation of third parties, it has occasionally been forced on public attention that crimes cannot be put down because witnesses know that by giving evidence they expose themselves to great risks, the accused having powerful friends to execute vengeance in their behalf. This was exactly the case with the Inquisition. The Marranos had great power through their wealth, position, and secret bonds of alliance with the unconverted Jews. These would certainly have endeavoured to neutralize the efforts of the Holy Office had the trials been open. Torquemada, in his statutes of 1484, gives expressly this defence of secrecy, etc.”—“The Spanish Inquisition,” p 17, in “Historical Papers.”
The argument is specious, and it is fundamentally true. But when it is considered that the delator, so carefully screened from all danger, was protected entirely at the expense of the accused, it becomes clear that such a procedure must argue a reckless eagerness to accumulate convictions. It suffices to reflect that, whilst all the arguments advanced to justify this secrecy could with equal justice have been urged by the contemporary civil courts of Europe, it is impossible to point to a single one that had recourse to so inequitable a measure. The inquisitorial point of view may be appreciated, even with a certain sympathy, by the extremely tolerant. It cannot be justified.
90 “Directorium,” pars iii. p. 312.
91 “Historia Critica,” vol. ii. p. 15.
92 Pars iii. quæst. cxiv. and cxv.
93 See “Directorium,” pars iii. p. 387.
94 See Llorente’s “Historia Critica,” I. cap. xxviii.
95 “Las delaciones sobre solicitacion en el confessionario se deben recibir con gran cuidado, haciendo que la denunciante declare todas las circunstancias siguientes:
“En que dia, hora y en que confessionario, si fué antes de la confession ó despues, ó ella mediante; si estaba de rodillas y se avia ya persignado, ó si simulaba confession, que palabras la dijo el confessor, ó que acciones ejecutó, poniendo las palabras como ellas se dixeron; quantas veces sucedió, y si despues la absolvió, si alguna persona lo pude oir ó entender, ó si ella se lo ha dicho a alguien, y si sabe que el dicho confessor ó otro aya solicitado a otras, ó si ella ha sido solicitada por otro. Y declare la edad y señas personales del dicho confessor, y tambien en caso de aver pasado tiempo del delito, porque no lo ha delatado antes al Santo Oficio, y si sabe la residencia del dicho confessor.”
“Orden de Procesar,” compiled by Fr. P. Garcia, published by the Press of the Holy Office, Valencia, 1736.
96 “Historia Critica,” I. cap. xxviii.
97 “History of the Spanish Inquisition,” vol. iv. p. 135.
98 “Historia Critica,” I. cap. xxviii.
99 Eymeric, pars iii. p. 286—“Modus interrogandi reum accustum.”
100 “Directorum,” pars. iii. Schol. xix.
101 Schol. xxvii (pars iii.).
102 “Directorium,” iii. p. 293.
103 Schol. xxix. (lib. iii.).
104 See “Directorium,” iii. Schol. xxix.
105 “Directorium,” iii. Schol. xxvi.
106 Schol. xxvi. lib. iii.
107 Pars iii. quæst. lxi.
108 Schol. cxviii.; lib. iii.
109 “Directorium,” pars iii. p. 313 et seq.
110 Schol. cxviii.; lib. iii.
111 “Historia Inquisitionis,” p. 332.
112 See, inter alia, Melgares Marin, “Procedimientos de la Inquisicion,” i. p. 253. This author says that sometimes the patient would be left hanging for as long as three hours.
113 See Melgares Marin, “Procedimientos,” i. p. 256.
114 Schol. cxviii. lib. iii.
115 “Directorium,” pars iii. quæst. lxxiii
116 “Directorium,” pars ii. quæst. xxxiv.
117 “Directorium,” iii. p. 338.
118 “Sed si fortassis per iniquos testis est convictus, ferat id æquo animo ac lætatur quod pro veritatem patiatur.” “Directorium,” pars iii. Schol. lxvi.
119 Schol. lxviii. pars iii.
120 Eymeric, lib. ii.; quæst. lviii. and Pegna, lib. ii.; Schol. lxiv.
121 Lib. iii. p. 331.
122 Lib. ii. Schol. lxiv.
123 Eymeric, lib. iii. p. 331.
124 See “Essai sur les Mœurs.”
125 “Rogamus tamen et efficaciter dictam curiam sæcularem quod, circa te, citra sanguinis effusionem et mortis periculum sententiam suam moderetur.”—“Directorium,” pars iii.—“Forma Ferendi Sententiam,” p. 549.
126 “Vida de Arbués,” p. 57.
127 Llorente, “Anales,” vol. i. p. 116.
128 Zurita, “Anales,” lib. xx. cap. lxv.; Amador de los Rios, “Historia Social,” lib. iii. p. 262; Garcia de Trasmiera, “Vida de Pedro Arbués.”
129 Llorente, “Anales,” vol. i. p. 181.
130 “Vida de Arbués,” p. 82.
131 Llorente, “Memoria Historica,” p. 112, and “Historia Critica,” vol. i. p. 205.
132 “Historia Critica,” vol. ii. cap. vi.
133 “Historia Critica,” vol. ii. cap. vi.
134 Another advantage was that any member of this confraternity was entitled to plead benefit of clergy, so that no civil court could take proceedings against him.
135 See “Instrucciones hechas en 1485, etc.,” in the “Copilacion de las Instrucciones.”
136 “Historia Verdadera,” vol. iii. p. 165.
137 “Historia de los Judios,” vol. iii. p. 272.
138 See “Instrucciones hechas en 1488, etc.,” in “Copilacion de las Instrucciones.”
139 “Boletin de la Real Academia,” xi p. 296 et seq., which see, and also Llorente, “Anales,” ii. 110 et seq.
140 “Quia si in virido ligno hæc faciunt, in arido quid fiet?” (Luke xxiii. 31). See Garcia Rodrigo, “Hist. Verdadera,” i. p. 373.
141 Later on a cage was substituted for the stool.
142 See “Boletin,” xi. p. 310 et seq.
143 See “Anales” under the dates given.
144 “Boletin de la Academia, etc.,” vol. xi. p. 296 et seq.
145 Lumbreras, quoted by Llorente, “Anales,” i. p. 132. The bull is quoted in full by M. Fidel Fita, “Boletin,” xvi. p. 315.
146 Llorente, “Historia Critica,” tom. ii. p. 118.
147 Lumbreras, quoted by Llorente, “Anales,” vol. i. p. III.
148 Lumbreras, quoted by Llorente in “Anales,” vol. i. p. 138.
149 “De Origine,” p. 276.
150 “Historia Critica,” tom. ii. p. 146.
151 Paramo, “De Origine,” p. 157.
152 See H. del Castillo, “Historia General de Santo Domingo.”
153 “Boletin de la Academia,” vol. xxiii. p. 413.
154 Castillo, “Historia de Sto. Domingo,” pt. i. p. 486.
155 Ariz, “Historia de Avila,” vol. i. p. 46.
156 Paramo, “De Origine,” p. 158.
157 “Historia Verdadera,” vol. ii. p. 115.
158 The case of the “Santo Niño of La Guardia.”
159 Fidel Fita in “Boletin,” vol. xvi. p. 315.
160 Llorente, “Anales,” vol. i. p. 168, and Torrejoncillo, “Centinela contra Judios.”
161 Fidel Fita in “Boletin,” vol. xi. p. 160.
162 “Historia del Santo Niño,” p. 40.
163 “Rummage” is the only word that does justice to the original: “El judio andaba buscando el corazon, revolviendo las entrañas con su mano carniciera, y no lo hallando, le preguntó: ‘Que buscas, Judio? Si buscas el corazon yerras buscandolo en esa parte, buscalo al otro lado y lo incontrarás.’”—“Historia del Santo Niño,” p. 50.
164 “Historia del Santo Niño,” p. 95.
165 “Historia del Santo Niño,” p. 98 et seq.
166 There is a great deal more of this, but the alleged insults become too obscene for translation.
167 But they did not find the body—a circumstance which appears to be here slurred over.
168 Fidel Fita in “Boletin de la Real Academia,” vol. xi. p. 35. “Mas de lo que sabia” is the actual and rather ambiguous phrase. It may mean either that he had related more than was known to him at the time of the torture—i.e. more than was actually true; or that he had said more than he knew—i.e. more than he could recall—now, at the time of his conversation with Yucé Franco.
169 See this upon his own word, as related in Yucé Franco’s depositions (“Boletin,” xi. p. 35 et seq.) and admitted by himself.
170 “Boletin,” xi. p. 60.
171 “... estava alli sobre una MITA de NAHAR que avido sido como de la manera de Otohays.”
172 See Loeb in “Revue des Etudes Juives,” vol. xv. p. 218.
173 This is not only in the depositions of Frey Alfonso Enriquez and the physician Avila (“Boletin,” xi. pp. 56 and 57), but it is also admitted and corroborated in detail by Yucé Franco himself in his examination of September 16, 1491 (ibid. p. 58).
174 “Boletin,” vol. xxiii. p. 413.
175 “Boletin,” xi. p. 9.
176 “Boletin,” xi. p. 29.
177 By Eymeric in the “Directorium.”
178 “Boletin,” vol. xi. p. 13.
179 Such is the consistent but obviously inaccurate spelling of the name.
180 “Boletin,” xi. p. 16.
181 “Boletin,” xi. p. 21.
182 “Boletin,” xi. p. 32.
183 Ibid. p. 46.
184 “Boletin,” xi. p. 32 et seq.
185 “Boletin,” xi. p. 46.
186 Ibid. p. 32.
187 Ibid. p. 46.
188 “Boletin,” xi. pp. 30-38.
189 Ibid.
190 Ibid. p. 31.
191 “Boletin,” xi. p. 39.
192 “E que lo diesen palabra e seguro de perdón e seguridad de todos sus errores e de su persona e de su padre.”
193 “Que les plasia con tanto que en todo dixiese enteramente la verdad, porque ellos bien conoscerian poco más ó menos si la diria.”
194 “Boletin,” xi. p. 26.
195 “Revue des Etudes Juives,” vol. xv. p. 232.
196 “Boletin,” xi. 52.
197 “Boletin,” xi. p. 55.
198 Ibid. p. 50.
199 “Boletin,” xi. p. 52.
200 Ibid.
201 Which was framed upon the sentence ultimately passed.
202 All this is contradicted by Juan Franco’s later confession that he himself procured the child from Toledo, and brought him to the cave. The name of the child’s father is as much a fiction as the rest of this vindictive deposition.
203 “Boletin,” xi. p. 24.
204 “Boletin,” xi. p. 26.
205 “Boletin,” xi. p. 72.
206 Ibid. p. 78.
207 Ibid. p. 80.
208 “Boletin,” xi. p. 80.
209 Ibid. p. 87.
210 “Boletin,” xi. p. 91.
211 Ibid. p. 90.
212 Ibid. p. 91.
213 Ibid. p. 89.
214 “Boletin,” xi. p. 97.
215 “Boletin,” xi. p. 94.
216 Ibid. p. 421.
217 “Boletin,” xi. p. 113.
218 “Boletin,” xi. p. 421.
219 “Boletin,” xii. p. 169.
220 “Revue des Etudes Juives,” vol. xv. p. 232.
221 See “Boletin,” xiii. p. 113.
222 “Y se halló la verdad y demonstracion de todo ello.”
223 See the phrases quoted in the “Testimonio.”
224 “Historia del Martirio,” p. 83.
225 “Historia,” p. 146.
226 Amador de los Rios, “Historia de los Judios,” vol. iii. p. 292.
227 “Cronica,” cap. xlvi.
228 The castellano was worth 480 maravedis.
229 “Anales,” vol. i. p. 199.
230 See “Centinela,” p. 153.
231 See Llorente, “Anales,” vol. i. p. 196, and “Centinela,” p. 86.
232 See “Centinela,” p. 152.
233 Llorente, “Anales,” vol. i. p. 182.
234 Paramo, “De Origine,” p. 143; Llorente, “Historia Critica,” ii. p. 114.
235 The edict is quoted in full in Appendix IV. of Amador de los Rios’ “Historia de los Judios.”
236 See the text of the edict in Rios’ “Historia de los Judios,” Appendix IV.
237 Amador de los Rios (iii. p. 310) very reasonably questions their being permitted to take money in bills of exchange, although the statement is contained in Bernaldez’ “Chronicle,” and is mentioned by other contemporaries.
238 “Historia,” tom. i. cap. cx.
239 “Historia de los Judios,” vol. iii. p. 311.
240 Colmenares, “Hist. Segovia,” cap. xxxv. § ix.
241 “Historia,” tom. i. cap. cx.
242 Llorente, “Anales,” vol. i. p. 190.
243 Bernaldez, “Historia,” tom. i. p. 339.
244 “Historia,” tom. i. cap. cx.
245 The cruzado is of the value of a florin, but with the purchasing power then of at least five times that sum.
246 “Historia,” tom. i. p. 344.
247 Ibid. p. 338.
248 Zurita, “Anales,” lib. i. cap. iv.; Salazar de Mendoza, “Monarquia de España,” iii. p. 338.
249 “Historia,” lib. xxvi. cap. i.
250 See Amador de los Rios, “Historia de los Judios,” vol. iii. p. 316.
251 Paramo states that it was. See “De Origine,” p. 143, and also Salazar de Mendoza, “Monarquia de España,” iii. p. 337.
252 Paramo, “De Origine,” p. 156.
253 “Historia Critica,” tom. ii. p. 125.
254 Colmenares, “Hist. Segovia,” cap. xxxv., and Paramo, “De Origine,” lib. ii. cap. iv. Paramo says that the Bishop had “causa propria” as well as the defence of his grandfather’s bones to take him to Rome.
255 Burchard, “Diarium” (Thuasne Ed.), ii. p. 163.
256 Burchard, “Diarium” (Thuasne Ed.), ii. pp. 409 and 494.
257 Limborch, lib. xiv. cap. 41; Llorente, “Historia Critica,” tom. ii. p. 126; Burchard, “Diarium,” ii. 494, iii. 13—.
258 Llorente, “Hist. Critica,” ii. p. 126. It was alleged against Aranda that in the course of his Judaizing, when praying he would always say “Gloria Patri” purposely omitting the “Filio et Spiritu Sancto,” that he took food before celebrating Mass, that he ate meat on Good Fridays and other days of abstinence, that he denied the efficacy of indulgences, and did not believe in Hell or Purgatory, and much else. See Burchard, “Diarium,” iii. p. 14.
259 “Anales,” tom. i. p. 214.
260 Paramo, “De Origine,” p. 156.
261 Lumbreras, quoted by Llorente, “Anales,” tom. i. p. 215.
262 Llorente, “Anales,” tom. i. p. 222.
263 Paramo, “De Origine,” p. 159.
264 “Historia Critica,” tom. ii. p. 77.
265 Ibid. ii. p. 78.
266 See “Copilacion de las Instrucciones,” under date.
267 This is the figure given by Burchard, and is the most authoritative (“Diarium,” ii. 492). Llorente says “250,” and Sanuto (“Diario,” i. col. 1029) “zercha 300 marrani.”
268 Llorente, “Anales,” tom. i. p. 238; Burchard, “Diarium,” ii. pp. 491-2. Sanuto the Venetian diarist reports the matter from letters received from Rome with a sarcasm entirely characteristic: “The Pontiff sent some 300 marranos in penitence to the Minerva, dressed in yellow, candle in hand: this was their public penance; the secret one would be of their money....” (“Diario,” i. col. 1029).
269 Lumbreras, quoted by Llorente, “Anales,” tom. i. p. 238.
270 “History of Ferdinand and Isabella,” vol. i. p. 286.
Llorente estimates the number of Torquemada’s victims at 8,800 burnt, 6,500 burnt in effigy, and 90,000 penanced in various degrees. These figures, however, are unreliable and undoubtedly exaggerated, although they are in themselves a correction of his earlier estimate, which fixes the number of burnt at upwards of 10,000—an estimate flagrantly preferred by Dr. Rule and other partisan writers on the subject.
271 “Hist. Verdadera,” vol. ii, p. 113.
272 Paramo, “De Origine,” p. 159.
Transcriber’s Note:
Inconsistent spelling and hyphenation are as in the original.
