THE END.
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Footnotes
1. Petrus Gyllius, De Topographia Constantinopoleos et De illius Antiquitatibus, liber i. c. 4-18.
2. Page 722. All references in this work to the Byzantine Authors, unless otherwise stated, are to the Bonn Edition of the Corpus Scriptorum Historiæ Byzantinæ.
3. Anonymus, lib. i. p. 20, in Banduri’s Imperium Orientale; Constantine Porphyrogenitus, De Cerimoniis Aulæ Byzantinæ, p. 501.
4. Xenophon, Anabasis, vii. c. 1.
5. Anabasis, vii. c. 1.
6. Paspates, Βυζαντιναὶ Μελέται, p. 103. Mordtmann, Esquisse Topographique de Constantinople, p. 5. All references to these writers, unless otherwise stated, are to the works here mentioned.
7. Lib. i. p. 2; Codinus, pp. 24, 25. Ἤρχετο δὲ τὸ τεῖχος, καθὰ καὶ νῶν, ἐπὶ τοῦ Βύζαντος ἀπὸ τοῦ πύργου τῆς Ἀκροπόλεως, καὶ διήρχετο εἰς τὸν τοῦ Εὐγενίου πύργον, καὶ ἀνέβαινε μέχρι τοῦ Στρατηγίου, καὶ ἤρχετο εἰς τὸ τοῦ Ἀχιλλέως λουτρόν. Ἡ δὲ ἐκεῖσε ἁψὶς, ἡ λεγομένη τοῦ Οὐρβικίου, πόρτα ἦν χερσαία τῶν Βυζαντίων: καὶ ἀνέβαινεν εἰς τὰ Χαλκοπρατεῖα τὸ τεῖχος ἕως τοῦ λεγομένου Μιλίου· ἦν δὲ κἀκεῖσε πόρτα τῶν Βυζαντίων χερσαία: καὶ διήρχετο εἰς τοὺς πλεκτοὺς κίονας τῶν Τζυκαλαρίων, καὶ κατέβαινεν εἰς Τόπους, καὶ ἀπέκαμπτε πάλιν διὰ τῶν Μαγγάνων καὶ Ἀρκαδιανῶν εἰς τὴν Ἀκρόπολιν.
9. The site of the Strategion may be determined thus: It was in the Fifth Region of the city (Notitia, ad Reg. V.); therefore, either on the northern slope or at the foot of the Second Hill. Its character as the ground for military exercises required it to be on the plain at the foot of the hill. In the Strategion were found the granaries beside the harbour of the Prosphorion (Constant. Porphyr., De Cerim, p. 699), near Sirkidji Iskelessi. At the same time, these granaries were near the Neorion (Bagtchè Kapoussi), for they were destroyed by a fire which started in the Neorion (Paschal Chron., p. 582).
10. The Chalcoprateia was near the Basilica, or Great Law Courts, the site of which is marked by the Cistern of Yeri Batan Serai (Cedrenus, vol. i. p. 616; cf. Gyllius, De Top. CP., lib. ii. c. 20, 21). Zonaras, xiv. p. 1212 (Migne Edition), ἐν τῇ καλουμένῃ βασιλικῇ ἔγγιστα τῶν Χαλκοπρατείων.
12. See below, the size of city as given by Dionysius Byzantius.
13. Anaplus of Dionysius Byzantius. Edition of C. Wescher, Paris, 1874.
14. Dion Cassius, lxxiv. 14; Herodianus, iii. 6.
15. Beside Bagtchè Kapoussi. See below, p. 220.
16. I. 1.
17. Page 96: Καὶ τὸ μὲν παλαιὸν εἶχε τὴν πύλην ἐν τῇ συμπληρώσει τῶν στοῶν ἅς Σεβῆρος ὁ βασιλεὺς ᾠκοδομήσατο.
18. Zosimus, p. 96: Ἀγορὰν δὲ ἐν τῶ τόπῳ καθ᾽ ὅν ἡ πύλη τὸ ἀρχαῖον ἦν οἰκοδομήσας, ... ἁψίδας δύο μαρμάρου προικοννησίου μεγίστας ἀλλήλων ἀντίας ἀπέτυπωσε, δι᾽ ὧν ἔνεστιν εἰσιέναι εἰς τὰς Σεβῆρου στοὰς, καὶ τῆς πάλαι πόλεως ἐξιέναι.
19. Theophanes, p. 42, speaking of the column, says it was set up ἀπὸ τοῦ τόπου οὗ ἤρξατο οἰκοδομεῖν τὴν πόλιν, ἐπὶ τὸ δυτικὸν μέρος τῆς ἐπὶ Ῥώμην ἐξιούσης πύλης.
20. Fragm. Hist. Græc., iv. p. 49.
21. I. p. 14.
22. Page 41.
23. The Church of Sancta Sophia, pp. 5, 9.
24. Zosimus, p. 96, Ἀπὸ δὲ τοῦ βορείου λόφου κατὰ τὸν ἴσον τρόπον, κατιὸν ἄχρι τοῦ λιμένος ὅ καλοῦσι νεώριον, καὶ ἐπέκεινα μέχρι θαλάσσης ἥ κατευθὺ κεῖται τοῦ στόματος δι᾽ οὗ πρὸς τὸν Εὔξεινον ἀνάγονται Πόντον.
25. Ibid., Τὸ δὲ τεῖχος διὰ τοῦ λόφου καθιέμενον ἦν ἀπὸ τοῦ δυτικοῦ μέρους ἄχρι τοῦ τῆς Ἀφροδίτης ναοῦ, καὶ θαλάσσης τῆς ἀντικρὺ Χρυσόπολεως.
26. Paschal Chron., p. 495.
27. Malalas, p. 345.
28. Page 292.
29. Hesychius Milesius, Fragm. Hist. Græc., iv. p. 149; Codinus, p. 6.
30. Notitia, ad Reg. II.; Paschal Chron., p. 495.
31. Zosimus, p. 96.
32. As the Sphendonè of the Hippodrome was a construction of Constantine the Great, the wall of Severus may, near that point, have stood higher up the hill than is indicated on the Map of Byzantine Constantinople, facing page 19.
33. Dionysius Byzantius. See Gyllius, De Bosporo Thracio, ii. c. 2; cf. ibid., De Top. CP., i. c. 10.
34. Paschal Chron., pp. 494, 495; cf. Malalas, p. 345; Notitia, ad Reg. II.
35. Notitia, ad Regiones, IV., V., VI. In the first tower south of Saouk Tchesmè Kapoussi, in the land wall of the Seraglio, is built a stone, inscribed with archaic Greek letters, which probably came from the Stadium. See Proceedings of the Greek Literary Syllogos of Constantinople, vol. xvi., 1885, Archæological Supplement, p. 3. Ἀπομά(χων) αἰχματ(ᾶν), σταδιοδ(ρόμων), ὁ τόπος ἄ(ρχεται).
36. Codinus, p. 76.
37. Hesychius Milesius, Fragm. Hist. Græc., iv. p. 149.
38. Paschal Chron., p. 619.
39. For buildings, etc., outside the limits of Byzantium, see Anaplus of Dionysius Byzantius; Gyllius, De Bosporo Thracio, ii. c. 2, c. 5; Codinus, p. 30; Anonymus, iii. p 51.
40. Philostorgius, ii. c. 9.
41. See Map of Byzantine Constantinople.
42. Pages 96, 97.
44. Notitia Dignitatum accedunt Notitia urbis Constantinopolitanæ et Laterculi Provinciarum, edidit Otto Seeck, p. 243.
The Notitia, so far as Constantinople is concerned, will be found in Gyllius’ De Topographia Constantinopoleos.
“Habet sane longitudo urbis a porta aurea usque ad litus maris directa linea pedum quattuordecim milia septuaginta quinque, latitudo autem pedum sex milia centum quinquaginta.”
45. Paschal Chron., p. 494; Anonymus, i. p. 2.
47. Anonymus, i. p. 2; Codinus, p. 25.
48. Anonymus, i. p. 20.
49. Constant. Porphyr., De Cer., p. 501.
50. Paschal Chron., p. 561; Socrates, v. c. 7.
51. Ibid., ut supra.
52. Theophanes Continuatus, p. 196; Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 173; Nicetas Chon. p. 319.
53. De Top. CP., iv. c. 1.
54. On the occasion of his second visit, Gyllius saw the column removed to the Mosque of Sultan Suleiman.
55. Pages 10, 72.
56. Constant. Porphyr., De Cer., p. 501.
57. Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 540, Ἄνωθεν τῆς περιβλέπτου μονῆς, ἐν τῷ τοπω τῷ καλουμένῳ Σίγματι.
58. Patriarch Constantius, Ancient and Modern Constantinople, p. 86.
59. Paschal Chron., p. 579.
60. Socrates, vii. c. 5; Constant. Porphyr., De Cer., p. 106.
61. Banduri, Imperium Orientale, v. p. 81; Synaxaria, May 11.
62. Constant. Porphyr., De Cer., pp. 55, 56.
63. Codinus, p. 99; Gyllius, De Top. CP., iv. c. 8.
64. Cf. Paspates, p. 362.
65. Codinus, p. 122.
66. Codinus, p. 25.
67. Du Cange, iv. p. 102.
68. Patrologia Græca, vol. clvi. p. 54, Migne.
69. Another copy of the map of Bondelmontius than that forming the Frontispiece of this work is found at the beginning of Du Cange’s Constantinopolis Christiana.
70. For this information I am indebted to Rev. H. O. Dwight, LL.D., of the American Board of Missions.
71. Cf. Paspates, pp. 361-363.
72. Hesychius Milesius, Fragm. Hist. Græc., vol. iv. p. 154.
73. Paschal Chron., p. 590.
74. Notitia, ad Reg. XII.
75. Marcellinus Comes.
76. Itinéraires Russes en Orient, p. 103; Traduits pour la Société de l’Orient Latin, par Madame B. de Khitrovo.
77. Codinus, p. 123.
78. Page 593.
79. Theophanes Continuatus, p. 168.
80. Paspates, pp. 304-306.
81. Codinus, p. 99.
82. De Top. CP., iv. c. 4.
83. Pages 72, 73.
84. Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 343.
85. Constant. Porphyr., De Cer., p. 532.
86. Ibid., ut supra.
87. Constant. Porphyr., p. 532.
88. Anonymus, iii. p. 49, Ἐσκέπασεν αὐτὴν κυλινδρικῷ θόλῳ.
89. The literary form of the word is Djami’i.
90. Die Byzantinischen Wasserbehälter von Konstantinopel, p. 185.
91. Ad Reg. XI.
92. Codinus, p. 25.
93. Synaxaria, June 17, 20; Anonymus, ii. p. 35.
94. Anonymus, ii. p. 36.
95. Itinéraires Russes en Orient, pp. 104, 105.
96. Paspates, pp. 320-322.
97. Ibid., pp. 381-383.
98. Page 494, Τὸ παλαιὸν τεῖχος Κωνσταντινουπόλεως, τουτέστιν ἀπὸ τοῦ καλουμένου Πετρίου ἕως τῆς πόρτας τοῦ ἁγίου Αἰμιλιανοῦ, πλησίον τῆς καλουμένης Ῥάβδου.
99. See Paschal Chron., ut supra.
100. Anonymus, ii. pp. 39, 40.
101. Bollandists, May 30, p. 238, Ἐν μαρτυρείῳ τῆς ἁγίας Εὐφημίας τῷ ὄντι πλησίον τοῦ ἁγίου Λαυρεντίου ἐν τῷ Πετρίῳ.
Under August 10, St. Laurentius is described as ἐν Πουλχεριαναῖς and ἐν Πετρίῳ. See below, pp. 206, 207.
102. Emperor Julian, Oratio I.
103. Paschal Chron., p. 719.
104. Pages 10, 28. See below, p. 85.
105. Theophanes, p. 634.
106. Ibid., ut supra.
109. See below, p. 61, ref. 5.
110. Constant. Porphyr., De Cer., p. 501.
111. Ad Reg. XII.
112. Paschal Chron., p. 494; see below, p. 264.
113. Pages 7, 8. There is no proof for the existence of a Porta Saturnini in the Constantinian Wall (Esquisse Top. de CP.). The author of the “Life of St. Isaacius,” in the Bollandists (May 31, p. 256, n. 4, p. 259), says that a cell was built for that saint by Saturninus: “Suburbanam, nec procul a civitatis muris (Constantinian) remotam domum.” The house of Saturninus himself is described as “extra portam Collarida” (Xerolophos). But nothing is said regarding a gate named after him. Regarding this Basilikè Porta, see below, p. 213.
114. Nicephorus Callistus, xiv. c. 1.
115. Malalas, p. 488; Agathias, v. c. 5, 3-8.
116. Page 494.
117. Theophanes, p. 634.
118. Paspates, p. 363.
119. Lydus, De Magistratibus, iii. p. 266.
120. Jornandes, De Rebus Get., c. 21, “Nam et dum famosissimam et Romæ æmulam in suo nomine conderet civitatem, Gothorum interfuit operatio, qui fœdere inito cum imperatore XL. suorum millia illi in solatio contra gentes varias obtulere, quorum et numerus et millia usque, in Rep. nominantur Fœderati.”
In one brief (Cod. Theod., lib. 13, tit. iv. 1) Constantine complains of the dearth of architects; in another (Cod. Theod., lib. 13, tit. iv. 2) he offers to free from taxes thirty-five master artificers if they would bring up their sons in the same professions.
121. Paschal Chron., p. 529.
122. Banduri, Imperium Orientale, lib. v. p. 98.
123. Paschal Chron., p. 528; Zosimus, p. 96.
124. Hesychius, Frag. Hist. Græc., iv. p. 154; Anonymus, i. p. 13.
125. Paschal Chron., p. 529, Αὐγουσταῖον.
126. Ibid., p. 528.
127. Ibid., p. 529.
128. Ibid., p. 528.
129. Eusebius, Life of Constantine, iv. 66.
130. Zosimus, p. 97.
131. Paschal Chron., pp. 528, 529.
132. Zosimus, pp. 280, 281.
133. Eusebius, Life of Constantine, iii. 47.
134. Socrates, i. c. 16.
135. Eusebius, iv. c. 52-60.
136. Eusebius, iv. 60.
137. Hesychius Milesius, Fragm. Hist. Græc., p. 154; Theophanes, p. 34; Sozomon, ii. c. 3.
138. Life of Constantine, iii. c. 48.
139. Anonymus, i. p. 5; Codinus, pp. 22, 23.
140. Anonymus, iii. p. 46. See below, p. 296.
141. Anonymus, ii. p. 26. See below, p. 250.
142. Socrates, i. c. 16.
143. Paschal Chron., p. 528; Lydus, De Magistratibus, iii. p. 266.
144. Anonymus, i. p. 5; Codinus, p. 22.
145. Cf. Tchihatchef, Le Bosphore et Constantinople, chap. ii.; Andreossy, Constantinople et le Bosphore de Thrace, Livre Troisième, “Système des Eaux.”
146. Anonymus, i. p. 5.
147. Ibid., ut supra.
148. Socrates, ii. c. 13; Philostorgius, ii. c. 9.
149. Cod. Theod., lib. xiv. 13; Cod. Justin., xi. 20.
150. Hesychius Milesius, Fragm. Hist. Græc., iv. p. 154; Zosimus, p. 97.
151. Cod. Theod., Novella 12.
152. Paschal Chron., p. 530. Because of this subordination of Byzantium to Heraclea, the bishop of the latter city has still the right to preside at the consecration of the patriarch of Constantinople.
153. Valesian Anonymus, appended to the History of Ammianus Marcellinus. The senators of Rome were styled “Clarissimi.”
154. Nolitia, ad Regiones. On the delimitation of the Regions, see Gyllius, De Topographia Constantinopleos, l. ii. c. 2, 10, 16; l. iii. c. 1, 2, 5, 7, 8, 9; l. iv. c. 1, 3, 7, 10, 11; and Mordtmann, Esquisse Topographique de Constantinople, pp. 2-10. The point on which these authorities differ most widely is regarding the situation of the Seventh Region, Gyllius making it occupy the valley of the Grand Bazaar, on the northern side of the city; while Mordtmann (pp. 6, 7) places it on the southern slope of the Second Hill, from the Forum of Constantine to the Sea of Marmora. My view (at present) on the subject is indicated in the Map of Byzantine Constantinople.
155. Ammianus Marcellinus, xxxii. 16.
156. Jornandes, xxviii.
157. Eunapius, quoted by Gyllius, De Top. CP., i. c. 5.
158. Zosimus, p. 101.
159. Sozomon, ii. c. 3.
160. Theophanes, p. 680.
161. Oratio, xviii. p. 222. Edition of Petavius.
162. VII. c. 1.
163. Cod. Theod., lib. viii. tit. xxii.
164. Anonymus, i. p. 22.
165. See Choisy, L’Art de Bâttir chez les Byzantins, pp. 7-13.
166. Socrates, vii. c. 1; Cod. Theod., “De Operibus Publicis,” lex. 51. The law refers to the towers of the new wall, and is addressed to Anthemius as Prætorian Prefect in 413: “Turres novi muri, qui ad munitionem splendidissimæ urbis extructus est, completo opere, præcipimus eorum usui deputari, per quorum terram idem murus studio ac provisione Tuæ Magnitudinis ex Nostræ Serenitatis arbitrio celebratur.”
167. Marcellinus Comes, “Plurimi urbis Augustæ muri recenti adhuc constructi, cum LVII. turribus, corruerunt.”
168. “Intra tres menses, Constantino Præfecto Prætorio opere dante, (muri) reædificati sunt.” Cf. Inscription on the Gate Yeni Mevlevi Haneh Kapoussi, p. 47.
169. Measuring from the bed of the Moat.
170. It stood on the Outer Wall between the fourth and fifth towers south of the Golden Gate (Paspates, p. 58).
171. See illustrations facing pp. 78, 96, 248.
172. Banduri, Imperium Orientale, vii. n. 428.
174. Theophanes, pp. 148, 149; Leo Gram., pp. 108, 109.
175. Patriarch Constantius, Paspates, Mordtmann, Du Cange.
176. Muralt, Essai de Chronographie Byzantine, de 395 à 1057, pp. 54, 55.
177. Paschal Chron., pp. 588, 589.
178. Ibid., pp. 582, 583.
179. Ibid., p. 588.
180. Suidas, ad vocem Κύρος.
181. Lydus, De Magistratibus, iii. p. 235.
182. Malalas, p. 361, Οὐκ ἀρέσκει μοι τύχη πολλά γελῶσα.
183. Paspates, p. 48, quoting Skarlatus Byzantius.
184. Paschal Chron., Malalas.
185. Lib. vii. c. 1.
186. Cananus, p. 476.
187. Nicephorus Gregoras, xiv. p. 711.
188. Philo of Byzantium. See Veterum Mathemat. Opera, s. ix. Edited and Translated by MM. de Rochat et Graux, Revue de Philologie, 1879.
189. Choisy, L’Art de Bâtir chez les Byzantins, p. 112.
190. Cod. Theod., “De Metatis,” lib. 13.
191. Cod. Theod., “De Operibus Publicis,” lib. 51.
192. Theophanes, p. 589; Phrantzes, p. 281.
193. Nicephorus Gregoras, ix. p. 408.
194. Ducas, p. 283.
195. Constant. Porphyr., De Cer., p. 504.
196. Cananus, p. 476.
197. Critobulus, i. c. 34.
198. Or “Lists, the space between the Inner and the Outer Walls of enceinte or enclosure” (Violet-le-Duc on Mediæval Fortifications; translated by Macdermott).
199. Only seventy out of the ninety-six towers in this wall can now be identified.
200. Cananus, p. 475.
201. Ducas, pp. 266, 283, 286; Critobulus, i. c. 34; Leonard of Scio, p. 936, thinks this was poor strategy, rendered necessary by the bad condition of the Inner Wall. “Operosa autem protegendi vallum et antemurale nostris fuit; quod contra animum meum semper fuit, qui suadebam in refugium muros altos non deserendos, qui si ob imbres negligentiamque vel scissi, vel inermes propugnaculis essent, qui non deserti, præsidium urbi salutis contulisset.”
202. Constant. Porphyr., De Cer., p. 438.
203. Ducas, p. 266, Ἐν τῇ τάφρῳ.
204. Cananus, pp. 461, 462.
205. Pages 7-13.
206. Page 40, Τὸ δὲ πλῆθος τῶν ἐν αὐταῖς (τάφροις) ὑδάτων, ὥστε ᾧ μέρει μόνον ἐλείπετο, καὶ ταύτῃ δοκεῖν πελαγίαν τὴν πόλιν εἶναι διὰ τούτων.
207. Librum Insularum Archipelagi, p. 121. Leipsic, 1824.
208. IV. 138, 139.
209. Dethier, Sièges de Constantinople, ii. p. 1085; cf. Mijatovich, Constantine, Last Emperor of the Greeks, pp. 185, 186. Some 24 of these aqueducts or dams can still be identified: 2 between the Sea of Marmora and the Golden Gate; 1 between that gate and the Gate of the Deuteron; 6 or 7 between the Gate of the Deuteron and the Gate of Selivria; 5 between the Gate of Selivria and the Gate Yeni Mevlevi Haneh Kapoussi; 5 between Yeni Mevlevi Haneh Kapoussi and Top Kapoussi; 2 between Top Kapoussi and the Gate of the Pempton; 3 between the Gate of the Pempton and Edirnè Kapoussi; 2 between Edirnè Kapoussi and the northern end of the Moat.
210. Pusculus, iv. 137, 138, “Pontes qui ad mœnia ducunt dirumpunt.”
211. Pusculus, iv. 151, “Aurea Porta datur ponto vicina sonanti.”
212. Cananus, p. 460.
213. Cantacuzene, iv. pp. 292, 293; Manuel Chrysolaras, p. 48.
214. Historiæ Anglicanæ Scriptores Antiqui, p. 642. London, 1652.
215. See French translation of his work, Constantinople Ancienne et Moderne, 1798, vol. i. p. 28, where, quoting the legend, he says, “On y lit encore ces vers.”
216. Opera Varia, vol. i., Paris, 1696; Paneg. Maioriani, Carmen V., 354.
217. Constantinopolis Christiana, lib. i. p. 52.
218. The brilliant monograph of Dr. Strzygowski on the Golden Gate is found in the Jahrbuch des Kaiserlich Deutschen Archæologischen Instituts, Band viii., 1893, Erstes Heft.
219. Zosimus, p. 234.
220. Cf. the inscription on the pedestal of the obelisk—
“Difficilis quondam dominis parere serenis
Jussus, et extinctis palmam portare tyrannis
Omnia Theodosio cedunt,” etc.
222. Malalas, p. 360, ascribes the decoration of the gate with gold to Theodosius II.
224. Nicephorus, Patriarcha CP., p. 59; Constant. Porphyr., De Cer., pp. 500, 506.
225. Malalas, p. 360.
226. Codinus, p. 48.
227. Cedrenus, vol. i. p. 675.
228. Ibid., ii. p. 173.
229. Codinus, ut supra.
230. Theophanes, p. 634.
231. Cedrenus, vol. i. p. 567.
232. Ibid., ii. p. 363.
233. Itinéraires Russes en Orient, p. 239.
234. Manuel Chrys., p 48; Gyllius, De Top CP., iv. c. 9; Adolf Michaelis, Ancient Marbles in Great Britain, pp. 10-14, translated by C. A. M. Fennell. See Wheler, Grelot, Gerlach, Bulliardus, Spon, and Monograph of Dr. Strzygowski.
235. The first two bas-reliefs to the north of the gate, and the first and fourth to the south, as superior in workmanship, came very near being removed to England, through the efforts of Sir Thomas Roe, ambassador to the Porte from 1621 to 1628, and of a certain Mr. Petty, who was sent to the East by the Earl of Arundel to procure works of Ancient Art. The finds were to be divided between that nobleman and the Duke of Buckingham. The correspondence on the subject will be found in The Negotiations of Sir Thomas Roe in his Embassy to the Ottoman Porte, published in London, 1740 (see pp. 386, 387, 444, 445, 495, 512, 534, 535); in Michaelis’ Ancient Marbles in Great Britain; and, partially, in Dr. Strzygowski’s Monograph on the Golden Gate.
“Promise to obteyne them,” wrote Sir Thomas Roe, in May, 1625, “I cannot, because they stand upon the ancient gate, the most conspicuous of the cytte, though now mured up, beeing the entrance by the castell called the Seauen Towers, and neuer opened since the Greek emperors lost yt: to offer to steale them, no man dares to deface the cheefe seate of the grand signor: to procure them by fauour, is more impossible, such enuy they bear vnto us. There is only then one way left; by corruption of some churchman, to dislike them, as against their law; and vnder that pretence to take them downe to be brought into some priuat place; from whence, after the matter is cold and unsuspected, they may be conveyed. I haue practised for the four, and am offered to haue it done for 600 crownes.”
A year later he had to write, “Those on the Porta Aurea are like to stand, till they fall by tyme: I haue vsed all meanes, and once bought them, and deposed, 3 moneths, 500 dollers. Without authority, the danger and impossibility were alike; therefore I dealt with the great treasurer, who in these tymes is greedy of any mony, and hee had consented to deliuer them into a boat without any hazard of my part. The last weeke hee rode himself to see them, and carried the surueigher of the citty walls with him; but the Castellano and the people beganne to mutine, and fell vpon a strange conceit; insomuch that hee was forced to retyre, and presently sent for my enterpreter, demanding if I had any old booke of prophesy: inferring, that those statues were enchanted, and that wee knew, when they should bee taken downe, some great alteration should befall this cytty.... In conclusion, hee sent to mee, to think, nor mention no more that place, which might cost his life, and bring mee into trouble; so that I despair to effect therein your graces seruice: and it is true, though I could not gett the stones, yet I allmost raised an insurrection in that part of the cytty.”
236. Paschal Chron., p. 590.
237. Constant. Porphyr., De Cer., p. 414.
238. Theophanes, p. 186.
239. Paschal Chron., p. 693.
240. Theophanes, p. 784.
241. Constant. Porphyr., De Cer., p. 438.
242. Anastasius Bibliothecarius.
243. Ibid.
244. Guillelmus Bibliothecarius, in Hadriano II.
245. Theophanes Cont., p. 432.
246. Zosimus, p. 234.
247. See illustration facing p. 334.
248. Theophanes, p. 668.
249. Constant. Porphyr., De Cer., pp. 503, 504.
250. Ibid., p. 498.
251. Leo Diaconus, p. 158.
252. Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 475.
253. Pachymeres, vol. i. p. 160.
254. Procopius, De Bello Vand., ii. c. 9; Theophanes, p. 309.
255. Theophanes, p. 388.
256. Leo Diaconus, p. 28.
257. Ibid., p. 23.
258. Theophanes, p. 309.
259. For the descriptions of the triumphs accorded to Basil I. and Theophilus, see Constant. Porphyr., De Cer., pp. 498-508.
260. Constant. Porphyr., De Cer., p. 499, Ἐν δὼ τῷ λιβαδίῳ τῷ ἔξω τῆς χρυσῆς πόρτας.
261. On the pier to the left of the central archway are painted in red the words, ΠΟΛΛΑ ΤΑ ΕΤΗ ΤΩΝ ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΝ; while on the pier to the right are the words, Ο ΘΣ ΚΑΛΩΣ ΗΝΕΝΤΕΝ ΣΕ; lingering echoes of the shouts that shook the gate on a day of triumph.
262. See illustration facing p. 334.
263. Leo Diaconus, p. 158.
264. Pachymeres, vol. i. p. 160.
265. Constant. Porphyr., p. 508.
266. Τὸ κατὰ τὴν χρυσῆν καλουμένην φρούριον, Cantacuzene, iv. p. 292. It was not, however, the fortress known as the Strongylon, Cyclobion, Castrum Rotundum (Procopius, De Aed., iv. c. 8; Theophanes, p. 541; Anastasius, in Hormisda PP.; Guillelmus Biblioth. in Hadriano II.). That fortress stood outside the city, near the Hebdomon (Makrikeui), three miles to the west of the Golden Gate (Theophanes, pp. 541, 608). See below, p. 326.
267. Cantacuzene, iv. pp. 293, 301, 302. The southern tower projects 55 feet 7 inches from the wall, and is 60 feet 5 inches broad; the corresponding dimensions of the northern tower are 55-½ feet, and 60 feet 4 inches.
268. Marcellinus Comes.
269. Theophanes, p. 541.
270. Ibid., p. 785.
271. Theophanes Cont., p. 385.
272. Cantacuzene, iii. pp. 606, 607.
273. Cantacuzene, iv. p. 304.
274. Chalcocondylas, p. 62.
275. Ducas, pp. 47, 48.
276. Itinéraires Russes en Orient, p. 239, “Chateau de l’Empereur Kalojean. Il a trois entrées.”
277. See Muralt, ad annum, Essai de Chronographie Byzantine, vol. ii.
278. Phrantzes, p. 253.
279. Paspates, p. 78.
280. Mordtmann, p. 13. Above the gate, on the side facing the city, is a slab with the figure of the Roman eagle.
281. Patriarch Constantius, Ancient and Modern Constantinople, p. 19.
282. Banduri, Imp. Orient., vii. p. 150.
284. Mordtmann, p. 13.
285. Theophanes Cont., p. 223.
286. Page 779.
287. Codinus, p. 97.
289. Sozomon, iv. c. 2.
290. Anonymus, i. p. 38.
291. Procopius, De Æd., i. c. 3.
292. Synaxaria, Octob. 25.
294. Synaxaria, Oct. 25.
295. Procopius, De Æd., i. c. 3.
296. Synaxaria, June 10.
297. Ibid., April 23.
298. Ibid., April 22.
299. Nicephorus Callistas, xii. c. 14.
300. Phrantzes, p. 253.
301. Constant. Porphyr., De Cer., p. 109.
303. It is still held in great repute, and on the Friday of Greek Easter week is visited by immense crowds of devotees, as in the olden time.
304. Procopius, De Æd., i. c. 3.
305. Constant. Porphyr., De Cer., p. 109.
306. Leo Diaconus, iv. p. 64.
307. Pachymeres, vol. i. p. 142; Niceph. Greg., iv. p. 85.
308. See Muralt, Essai de Chronographie Byzantine, vol. ii.
309. Ducas, p. 184.
310. Nicolo Barbaro, p. 733.
311. Paschal Chron., p. 590.
312. Synaxaria, Oct. 25.
313. Paspates, p. 47; Mordtmann, p. 15.
314. Synaxaria, Oct. 25. Ἐν τῇ Μελανδησία πόρτῃ, ἐν αὐτῇ τῇ Κωνσταντινούπολει, τοποθεσίᾳ τοῦ Δευτέρου.
316. Nicephorus Callistus, xv. c. 25, c. 28.
317. Agathias, v. c. 14, c. 20.
318. Marcellinus Comes, ad Zenonem.
319. Paschal Chron., p. 717.
320. Ibid., p. 590.
321. Mordtmann, p. 78.
322. Menæa, May 30, as quoted by Du Cange, Constantinopolis Christiana, ii. p. 178.
323. Constant. Porphyr., De Cer., p. 501; Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 540.
324. Mordtmann, pp. 14, 15.
326. Codinus, p. 47.
327. Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 540.
328. Theophanes Cont., p. 323.
329. Codinus, p. 126.
330. Pages 378-389.
331. Banduri, Imp. Orient., vii. p. 150.
332. Theophanes, pp. 355, 358.
334. The inscription is found in the C. I. G., No. 8789. Dr. Paspates compares it with No. 8788 in that collection. ΝΙΚΑ Η ΤΥΧΗ ΚΩΝΣΤΑΝΤΙΝΟΥ ΜΕΓΑΛΟΥ ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ ΤΟΥ ΣΥΣΤΑΤΙΚΟΥ ΝΙΚΗΤΟΥ ΚΑΙ ΒΕΝΕΤΩΝ (of the Blues) ΕΥΝΩΟΥΝΤΩΝ. See below, p. 102.
337. Choiseul-Gouffier, Voyage pittoresque dans l’Empire Ottoman, etc., vol. iv. p. 17, speaking of this gate, says, “Sur le cintre de cette porte sont les représentations de quelques saints, donc les Turcs ont effacé le visage.” Cf. Paspates, p. 51.
338. Mordtmann, p. 15.
339. Paschal Chron., p. 720.
340. De Constantinopoli Expugnata, p. 462.
341. Critobulus, i. c. 23, c. 27 (Fragmenta Historicorum Græcorum, vol. v.); Phrantzes, p. 237.
342. Critobulus; Phrantzes, ut supra.
343. Pusculus, iv. Compare lines 165 and 169. Cf. Dolfin, s. 54.
344. Anonymus, iii. p. 55; Itinéraires Russes en Orient, p. 103.
345. Paschal Chron., p. 719.
347. E.g. Dethier, Le Bosphore et Consple., p. 50.
349. Metrical Chronicle, lines 371-429; cf. statement ἐγέρθη Γεωργίου δόμος ... πρὸς πύλην τὴν Χαρσίαν with statement πύλην ἐάσας ἀνοικτὴν τὴν ποταμοῦ πλησίον εἰς ἥν τῆς μάρτυρος ναὸς Κυριακῆς ὁρᾶται. See Byzantinshe Analecten, von Hernn Joseph Müller, “Sitzungsberichte der K. Akademie der Wissenshaften Philosoph. Hist.,” Classe B. 9, 1852. Cf. Cananus, p. 462, ἦν γὰρ ὁ τόπος καὶ σοῦδα καὶ πύργος πλησίον Κυριακῆς τῆς ἁγίας, μέσον Ῥωμανοῦ τοῦ ἁγίου καὶ τῆς Χαρσῆς τε τὴν πύλην, καὶ πλησιέστηρον τούτων εἰς τὸν ποταμόν τὸν ἐπονομαζόμενον Λύκον.
350. Palladius, Dialogus de Vita J. Chrysostomi, Migne, xlvii. p. 34. In front of St. Irene in the Seraglio grounds, is preserved the pedestal on which stood the porphyry column bearing the silver statue of the Empress Eudoxia, the occasion of Chrysostom’s banishment.
351. Paschal Chron., p. 589, Εἰσῆλθεν λεκτικίῳ ἀπὸ Λευκοῦ ποταμοῦ.
352. Constant. Porphyr., De Cer., 497.
353. Anonymus, iii. p. 50.
354. Paspates, p. 68.
356. Dr. Mordtmann was the first to establish the fact. For a full statement of his view, see Esquisse Topographique de Consple., pp. 16-29.
358. Constant. Porphyr., De Cer., p. 497. In 1299, Andronicus II. also entered the city by this entrance in great state, after an absence of two years (Pachymeres, vol. ii. p. 290).
359. Anna Comn., ii. pp. 124, 129; Metrical Chronicle, 371-429.
360. Patriarch Constantius, Ancient and Modern Constantinople, p. 105. The church possesses two ancient Lectionaries, one containing the Epistles, the other the Gospels. The history of the latter is interesting. The MS. was presented to the Church of St. Sophia, in 1438, by a monk named Arsenius, of Crete. It was taken, the same year, by the Patriarch Joseph to Ferrara, when he proceeded to that city to attend the council called to negotiate the union of the Western and Eastern Churches. Upon his death in Florence the year following it was returned to St. Sophia. Some time after the fall of Constantinople it came into the hands of a certain Manuel, son of Constantine, by whom it was given, in 1568, to the church in which it is now treasured.
361. Ducas, p. 288.
362. Paschal Chron., pp. 719, 720; cf. Anonymus, i. p. 22, with iii. p. 50.
363. In the foundations of one of the towers to the north of the Gate of the Pempton, pulled down in 1868 for the sake of building material, a large number of marble tombstones were found, some being plain slabs, others bearing inscriptions. Among the latter, several were to the memory of persons connected with the body of auxiliary troops, styled the Fœderati. Such Gothic names as Walderic, Saphnas, Bertilas, Epoktoric, occurred in the epitaphs, e.g.—
† ΕΝΘΔΕ ΚΤΑ ... Ι Ο
ΤΗΣ ΜΑΚΑΡΙΑΣ ΜΝΗΜΗΣ ΣΕΦΝΑΣ
ΔΕΣΠΟΤΙΚΟΣ ΠΙΣΤΟΣ ΦΟΙΔΕΡΑΤΟΣ ΕΤΕΛΕΥΤΗΣΕΝ
ΔΕ ΜΗ ΝΟΕΜΒΡΙΩ ΚΔ ΗΜΕΡΑ Β
ΙΝΔ Β.
See Paspates, pp. 33, 34; Proceedings of the Greek Literary Syllogos of Consple., vol. xvi., 1885; Archæological Supplement, pp. 17-23. Some of the stones are in the Imperial Museum.
364. Critobulus, i. c. 26, c. 31.
365. Phrantzes, p. 253; Critobulus, i. c. 26; Leonard of Scio, “In loco arduo Miliandri, quo urbs titubabat.”
366. Leonard of Scio, Migne, vol. clix. pp. 929, 940.
367. Dolfin, s. 31.
368. Paschal Chron., pp. 719, 720.
369. Theophanes, p. 573.
370. Nicetas Chon., p. 493.
371. Cantacuzene, iii. p. 525.
372. Anna Comn., ii. p. 124.
373. Nicetas Chon., p. 824.
374. Cantacuzene, i. p. 291; Nicephorus Greg., ix. pp. 419, 420.
375. See Muralt, Essai de Chronographie Byzantine, vol. ii. See below, pp. 162, 163.
376. Cananus, pp. 461, 462.
377. Compare the narratives of Phrantzes, pp. 246, 253; Critobulus, i. c. 23, 27, 31, 34, 60; Ducas, p. 275; Leonard of Scio (Migne, vol. clix.).
378. Critobulus, i. c. 60.
379. Phrantzes, p. 287.
380. Cantacuzene, iii. p. 558; Theophanes, p. 667.
381. Ducas, p. 282. The Circus was known as the Circus of St. Mamas, because of its proximity to that church, and appears frequently in Byzantine history.
The district associated with the Church of St. Mamas (Zonaras, xvi. c. 5, ἐν τῇ κατὰ τὸ Στενὸν τοποθεσίᾳ τῇ τοῦ ἁγίου Μάμαντος καλουμένῃ) must have occupied the valley which extends from the Golden Horn southwards to the village of Ortakdjilar, the territory between Eyoub (Cosmidion) and Aivan Serai at the north-western angle of the city. The church itself, with its monastery (Cantacuzene, iv. pp. 107, 259), stood, probably, on the high ground near Ortakdjilar. Owing to its charming situation, the suburb was a favourite resort, and boasted of an Imperial palace, a hippodrome, a portico, a harbour, and, possibly, the bridge across the Golden Horn. The indications for the determination of the site of the suburb are: (1) it stood nearer the Golden Horn than the Gate of Charisius did; for in the military demonstration which Constantine Copronymus made before the land walls, against the rebel Artavasdes, by marching up and down between the Gate of Charisius and the Golden Gate, the emperor reached St. Mamas and encamped there, after passing the former entrance on his march northwards (Theophanes, pp. 645, 646). (2) The Hippodrome of St. Mamas was in Blachernæ (Ἐν Βλαχέρναις ... ἐν τῷ ἱππικῷ τοῦ ἁγίου Μάμαντος—Theophanes, p. 667), a term which could be used to designate even the district of the Cosmidion (Paschal Chron., p. 725, τὴν ἐκκλησίαν τῶν ἁγίων Κοσμᾶ καὶ Δαμιανοῦ, ἐν Βλαχέρναις). (3) The suburb stood near the Cosmidion; hence the facility with which the Bulgarians under Crum were able to ravage St. Mamas from their camp near the Church SS. Cosmas and Damianus (Theophanes Cont., pp. 613, 614). (4) The suburb was near the water; for it had a harbour (Theophanes, p. 591). It is also described as situated on the Propontis (Genesius, p. 102), on the Euxine (Theophanes Cont., p. 197), on the Stenon, the Bosporus (Zonaras, ut supra), these names being applied in a wide sense. (5) At the same time the Church of St. Mamas stood near the walls (Zonaras, xiv. p. 1272, πλησίον τοῦ τείχους), and near the gate named Porta Xylokerkou (Cedrenus, i. p. 707). This does not necessarily imply that the church was immediately outside the gate, but it intimates that the church was at no very great distance from the gate, and could be easily reached from it; as, for example, the Church of the Pegè stands related to the Gate of Selivria (see above, p. 73). Such language would be appropriate if a branch road leading to St. Mamas and the Golden Horn left the great road, parallel to the walls, at the point opposite the Porta Xylokerkou.
The suburb owed much to Leo the Great, who took up his residence there for six months, after the terrible conflagration which devastated the city in the twelfth year of his reign (Paschal Chron., p. 598). To him are ascribed all the constructions for which the suburb was celebrated; the harbour and portico (Paschal Chron., ut supra), the church, the palace, and the hippodrome (Anonymus, iii. pp. 57, 58; Codinus, p. 115). The Church of St. Mamas is, however, ascribed also to an officer in the reign of Justinian the Great, and to the sister of the Emperor Maurice (see Du Cange, Constantinopolis Christiana, iv. p. 185). There Maurice and his family were buried, after their execution by Phocas (Codinus, p. 121). The palace was frequented by Michael III., and there he was murdered by Basil I. (Theophanes Cont., p. 210). To it the Empress Irene and her son Constantine VI. retired from the city on the occasion of the severe earthquake of 790 (Theophanes, pp. 719, 720), and in it the marriage of Constantine VI. with Theodota was celebrated (Ibid. p. 728). It was burnt down by Crum of Bulgaria (Ibid. pp. 785, 786), but must have been rebuilt soon, for Theophilus took up his quarters there on the eve of his first triumphal entrance into the city (Constant. Porphyr., De Cer., p. 504). The hippodrome may have been, originally, the one which Constantine the Great constructed of wood, outside the city, and in which the adherents of Chrysostom assembled after the bishop’s deposition (Sozomon, viii. c. 21, συνήθον πρὸ τοῦ ἄστεος εἰς τινα χῶρον ὅν Κωνσταντίνος ὁ Βασιλεὺς, μήπω τὴν πόλιν συνοικήσας, εἰς ἱπποδρόμου θέαν ἐκάθηρε, ξύλοις περιτειχίσας). There Michael III. took part in chariot races (Theophanes Cont., p. 197; cf. Theophanes, p. 731). Crum carried away some of the works of Art which adorned it (Theophanes, pp. 785, 786). The harbour of St. Mamas appears as the station of a fleet in the struggle between Anastasius II. and Theodosius III. (Theophanes, pp. 591, 592), and in the struggle between Artavasdes and Constantine Copronymus (Ibid., pp. 645, 646).
382. Banduri, Imp. Orient., vii. p. 150, n. 428, ΘΕΥΔΟΣΙΟΣ ΤΟΔΕ ΤΕΙΧΟΣ ΑΝΑΞ ΚΑΙ ΥΠΑΡΧΟΣ ΕΩΑΣ ΚΩΝΣΤΑΝΤΙΝΟΣ ΕΤΕΥΞΑΝ ΕΝ ΗΜΑΣΙΝ ΕΞΗΚΟΝΤΑ. The gate appears in the reign of Anastasius I. (491-518), when a nun residing near it was mobbed and killed for sharing the emperor’s heretical opinions (Zonaras, xiv. c. 3, p. 1220, Migne). This is another evidence of its Theodosian origin. It must have stood in the portion of the Theodosian Walls that still remain, for it is mentioned in the reign of John Cantacuzene.
383. Ducas, pp. 282-286. Cf. Anonymus, iii. p. 50.
384. Nicetas Chon., pp. 528, 529.
385. Cantacuzene, iii. p. 558.
386. Ducas, p. 282, Παραπόρτιον ἕν πρὸ πολλῶν χρόνων ἀσφαλῶς πεφραγμένον, ὑπόγαιον, πρὸς τὸ κάτωθεν μέρος τοῦ παλατίου.
387. Ducas, pp. 282-286.
388. Pages 63-67. Dr. Paspates regarded the Kerko Porta and the Porta Xylokerkou as different gates. The latter, he held, has disappeared.
389. Page 27.
390. I. c. 60.
391. Ducas, p. 286.
392. Codinus, De Officiis, p. 41; Constant. Porphyr., De Cer., p. 589.
393. Theophanes, p. 616.
394. Constant. Porphyr., De Cer., p. 6. Ibid., p. 295, speaks of the τοῦ τειχεώτου.
395. Paschal Chron., 595.
396. Theophanes, p. 195.
397. Ibid., pp. 345, 355.
398. Ibid., pp. 357, 358.
399. Codinus, p. 86.
400. John of Ephesus: translation by R. Payne Smith.
401. See illustration facing p. 96, for copy of the inscription with its errors in orthography.
402. Theophanes, p. 589.
403. Ibid., pp. 634, 635. The tax was called “dikeraton,” because it was equal to two keratia (1s. ½d.), or one-twelfth of a nomisma (12s. 6d.). Cf. Finlay, History of the Byzantine Empire, i. pp. 37, 38.
404. The date of her death is not known. Muralt is mistaken in saying that she died in 750. The Maria who died in that year was the second wife of Constantine Copronymus; not the widow, as Muralt has it, of Leo III. Cf. Nicephorus, Patriarch of Consple., p. 73.
405. Proceedings of the Greek Literary Syllogos of Consple., vol. xvi., 1885: Archæological Supplement, pp. 34, 35.
406. Proceedings of the Greek Literary Syllogos of Consple., vol. xvi., 1885: Archæological Supplement, p. 30.
407. Leo Diaconus, pp. 175, 176.
408. Paspates, pp. 46, 47.
409. Cedrenus, vol. ii. pp. 500, 503, 504.
410. Cinnamus, p. 274.
411. Nicetas Chon., pp. 414, 415.
412. Pachymeres, vol. i. pp. 186, 187.
413. Nicephorus Greg., vii. p. 275.
415. Nicephorus Greg., xiv. pp. 694-696.
416. Nicephorus Greg., xiv. p. 711.
418. Paspates, p. 59.
419. Paspates, p. 45.
420. Compare Paspates, pp. 54, 55, with Mordtmann, p. 14.
421. Du Cange, Familiæ Augustæ Byzantinæ, p. 246.
422. Zorzo Dolfin, s. 54.
423. Proceedings of the Greek Literary Syllogos of Consple., vol. xvi., 1885: Archæological Supplement, p. 38.
424. Du Cange, Familiæ Augustæ Byzantinæ; Familiæ Sclavonicæ, ix. p. 336.
425. Paspates, p. 42.
426. Ibid., p. 45.
427. Historia Cpolitanæ Urbis a Mahumete II. Captæ, per modum Epistolæ, die Augusti, anno 1453, ad Nicolaum V. Rom. Pont., Migne, vol. clix. p. 936.
428. Critobolus, i. c. 27; Cantacuzene, i. p. 305.
430. Tekfour Serai means Palace of the Sovereign, from a Persian word signifying Wearer of the Crown, Crowned Head. Leunclavius (Pandectes Historiæ Turcicæ, s. 56, Migne, vol. clix.) says that the Turks, in his day, styled the emperor, Tegguires. The derivation of Tekfour from the Greek τοῦ κυρίου is untenable.
432. I. c. 27. Ἀπὸ τῆς Ξυλίνης πύλης ἀνιόντι μέχρι τῶν βασιλείων τοῦ Πορφυρογεννήτου, καὶ φθάνοντι μέχρι τῆς λεγομένης πύλης τοῦ Χαρισοῦ.
433. Cantacuzene, i. p. 305.
434. Nicephorus Greg., ix. p. 420.
436. Cantacuzene, iii. p. 607.
437. Cantacuzene, iii. pp. 611, 612; Nicephorus Greg., xv. pp. 774-779.
438. Cantacuzene, iv. pp. 290, 291.
439. Tafferner (see below, p. 113, reference 5) speaks of a propylæum supported by ten fine columns as the entrance to the court of the palace from the city.
440. Cantacuzene, iii. p. 138, Τὴν τοῦ Πορφυρογεννήτου προσαγορευομένην πυλίδα.
441. From Broken Bits of Byzantium. (By kind permission of Mrs. Walker.)
442. Salzenberg, Altchristliche Bandenkmäler von Constantinopel, p. 125.
443. Theophanes Cont., p. 450. The date of the building is by no means settled. Dr. Paspates (p. 65) thinks it older than the time of Theodosius II.; Dr. Mordtmann (p. 33) assigns it to the reign of that emperor. It is a question for experts in Art to determine.
444. Paspates, p. 42.
445. Pages 62, 63.
446. Lib. i. p. 268.
447. Page 612.
448. Tafferner, chaplain to the Embassy sent by the Emperor Leopold I. to the Ottoman Court (Cæsarea Legatio quam, mandante Augustissimo Rom. Imperatore Leopoldi I. ad Portam Ottomanicam, suscepit, perficitque Excellentissimus Dominus Walterus Comes de Leslie, 1688), gives in his account of the mission (pp. 92, 93) the following description of the palace in his day:—“Præteriri non potuit quin inviseretur aula magni Constantini: Regia hæc ad Occidentem mœnibus adhæret; nobilia sublimibus operibus instructissimo olim colle locata: tribus substructionibus moles assurrexerat; altius nullum in tota urbe domicilium. Palatij coronis superstes marmore inciso elaborata tectum fulcit, ventis et imbribus pervium. Vastæ et eminentes præter sacræ antiquitatis ædilitatem è pario lapide fenestræ liquidò demonstrant, cujus palatij ornamenta fuerint, cujus aulæ etiamnum ruinæ sint. Propylæum decem columnæ magnitudinis et artificij dignitate conspicuæ sustinent: ejus in angulo desolatus, et ruderibus scatens puteus mœret. Pergula è centro prominens universæ urbis conspectum explicat. Columnis constat auro passim illitis, cujus radios color viridis extiamnum animat. Grandiora lapidum fragmenta, cum primis fabricæ ornamentis, ac fulcris cæteris in Moschèas translata sunt: sola tantæ molis vestigia, atque ex ungue cadaver nunc restat. Muro extimo meridiem versùs insertum parieti visitur Oratoriolum hominibus recipiendis sex opportunum: Angustia loci persuadet privatæ illud pietati Constantini sacrum fuisse. Squallet turpiter hæc Imperatorij operis majestas nunc inter arbusta, atque hederas et sive cœli injurias, sive immanitatem barbarorum, sive Christianorum incuriam accuses, non absimilem cum tempore rebus cæteris, utcunque floreant, internecionem minatur.”
449. Paspates, p. 19.
450. Dr. Mordtmann was the first to prove this. See below, p. 122.
451. The Sixth Hill sends three spurs towards the Golden Horn, which may be distinguished as the eastern, middle, and western.
452. This is the view of Dr. Paspates, pp. 2, 3, 92.
453. Procopius (De Æd., i. c. 3), speaking of the Church of Blachernæ, describes it as situated πρὸ τοῦ περιβόλου, ἐν χώρῳ καλουμένῳ Βλαχέρναις. Cf. Paschal Chron., p. 726.
454. This is the view of Dr. Mordtmann, p. 11.
455. Previous to the erection of Manuel’s Wall, the Moat may have continued further north, protecting the wall along the western side of the spur.
456. Cf. Paspates, pp. 92-99, regarding the remains of the walls around the spur, the area they enclose, and their character. According to him, the wall on the eastern side of the spur measures m. 157.81 in length, and is in some parts m. 13-14 high; the wall along the northern side of the spur is m. 180.90 long, and m. 13-14 high; the wall on the western side of the spur is m. 35 long, and as high as the adjoining walls of the city.
457. Paschal Chron., 724, τὸ τεῖχος Βλαχερνῶν. This was before the erection of the Wall of Heraclius.
458. Ibid., p. 726, ἔξωθεν τοῦ καλουμένου Πτεροῦ.
459. Nicephorus, Patriarcha CP., p. 20, τὸ Βλαχερνῶν προτείχισμα τὸ καλούμενον Πτερόν.
460. Paschal Chron., ut supra; cf. Procopius, De Æd., i. c. 3, c. 6.
461. Notitia, ad Reg. XIV.
462. See above, p. 111. See also illustration facing p. 118.
463. With alterations made in the course of time by repairs.
464. Notitia, ad Reg. XIV. “Regio sane licet in urbis quartadecima numeretur, tamen quia spatio interjecto divisa est, muro proprio vallata alterius quomodo speciem civitatis ostendit.”
Dionysius Byzantius derives the name Blachernæ from a barbarian chieftain who was settled there. If so, it is extremely probable that the Sixth Hill was fortified, to some extent, even before the foundation of Constantinople. See Gyllius, De Top. C.P., iv. c. 5.
465. On this view, a wall must, also, be supposed to have proceeded from Londja to the Golden Horn, completing the circuit of the fortifications around the city.
466. Notitia, ad Reg. XIV.
467. Page 719; cf. Ibid., p. 500; Cinnamus, p. 274.
468. Ut supra, Περὶ τὸ γεώλοφον ἄφ᾽ οὗπερ ὁρατὰ μὲν τὰ ἐν Βλαχέρναις ἀνάκτορα, ὁπόσα νένευκε πρὸς ἑσπέραν. Περὶ δὲ γε τὴν τούτου ὑπόβασιν ὑπτιάζει τις αὔλειος, πρὸς μεσημβρίαν μὲν ἐς τὸ τεῖχος λήγουσα ὅπερ ἔρυμα τῶν ἀρχείων ὁ βασιλεὺς ἀνήγειρε Μανουὴλ, κατὰ δὲ βορρᾶν ἄνεμον τῇ θαλάσσῃ ἐγγίζουσα.
469. Anna Comn., vi. p. 275, et passim.
470. Nicetas Chon., p. 269; Benjamin of Toledo, p. 12.
471. As a rule, two to four courses of stone, alternating with six to nine courses of brick.
472. This is a piece of Turkish repair, in which the lintel of a postern is found.
473. Page 62.
475. Pusculus, iv. 177.
476. Nicolo Barbaro, p. 794, “Questa Calegaria si xe apresso del palazzo de, l’imperador;” p. 784, “Li no ve iera barbacani.” Leonard of Scio, “Ad partem illam murorum simplicium, qua nec fossatis, nec antemurali tutebatur, Calegariam dictam.” Again he says, “Murus ad Caligariam erat perlatus, fortisque.”
477. Phrantzes, p. 280.
478. Leonard of Scio, “Horribilem perinde bombardam (quamquam major alai quam vix bovum quinquagenta centum juga vehebant) ob partem illam ... lapide qui palmis meis undecim ex meis ambibat in gyro, ex ea murum conterebant.”
479. Ibid.
480. Ibid.; N. Barbaro, May 16, 21-25; Phrantzes, p. 244.
481. Paspates, p. 22; Phrantzes, p. 280.
482. See below, p. 132. The tower is marked L on Map facing p. 115.
483. Mordtmann, p. 35.
485. See above, p. 103. The inscription is now reversed, and stands a little above the base of the tower.
486. Nicetas Chon., pp. 719, 720.
487. Anna Comnena, x. p. 48; Albert Aquensis, lib. ii. c. 10, speaks of certain gates, versus Sanctum Argenteum; while Tudebodus Imitatus et Continuatus (Auteurs Occidentaux sur les Croisades, vol. iii. p. 178) states that Bohemond, who, according to Anna Comnena (x. p. 61) and Ville-Hardouin (c. 33), lodged at the Monastery of SS. Cosmas and Damianus, in the Cosmidion (Eyoub), was assigned quarters—extra civitatem in Sancto Argenteo. The Sanctus Argenteus of these writers was doubtless the church dedicated to the saints above mentioned, who were styled the Anargyri (Without Money). The name of the bay and the epithet of the saints were probably connected.
488. See foot of List of Illustrations.
489. Ville-Hardouin, c. 39, 40, 46, 47.
490. Cantacuzene, i. pp. 89, 90.
491. Ibid., i. pp. 255, 289, 290.
492. Nicephorus Greg., ix. pp. 420, 421.
493. Cantacuzene, iii. p. 501.
494. Constantinopolis Christiana, ii. pp. 130-132.
495. Chap. iv.
496. Notitia, ad Reg. XIV.
497. Suidas, Ad vocem, Anastasius.
498. Constant. Porphyr., De Cer., pp. 542, 543.
499. Anna Comn., x. pp. 36, 54, 63.
500. Nicetas Chon., p. 269.
501. William of Tyre, xx. c. 24.
502. William of Tyre, ut supra.
503. Nicetas Chon., p. 720.
504. Ibid., p. 351.
506. Ville-Hardouin, c. 39.
507. Ibid., c. 55.
508. Pachymeres, vol. i. pp. 144, 161.
509. Cantacuzene, i. p. 305; iv. pp. 290, 291; Nicephorus Greg., ix. p. 420, etc.
510. Phrantzes, p. 280.
511. Nicetas Chon., p. 269.
512. See Benjamin of Toledo, and Odo de Dogilo, iv. p. 37, both of whom visited the palace in the reign of Manuel Comnenus.
513. Cantacuzene, i. pp. 89, 90.
515. Cantacuzene, iii. pp. 611, 612; Nicephorus Greg., xv. pp. 774-779.
517. See tower L, in Map facing p. 115.
518. See illustration facing p. 248.
519. Pages 22-32, where Dr. Paspates gives an interesting account of his discovery and exploration of the chambers.
520. The plan was taken by Mr. Hanford W. Edson, formerly Instructor in Mathematics at Robert College. It was drawn by Professor Alfred Hamlin, of Columbia College, and revised by Mr. Arthur E. Henderson, Architect.
521. Since the above was written this way of entering the tower and chambers has been closed. One gains admittance now at the opening V, from the courtyard of the Mosque of Aivas Effendi.
522. In the opinion of some authorities, e.g. Professor Strzygowski, this apartment was a cistern.
523. Cf. Lanciani, The Ruins and Excavations of Ancient Rome, pp. 178, 179, 182.
524. See the loophole windows in plan of that residence, facing p. 109.
527. Ut supra.
528. Speaking of similar substructures below the Domus Gaiana in the Palace of the Cæsars at Rome, Lanciani remarks: “We gain by them the true idea of the human fourmillière of slaves, servants, freed men, and guards, which lived and moved and worked in the substrata of the Palatine, serving the court in silence and almost in darkness” (The Ruins and Excavations of Ancient Rome, p. 150).
529. Nicetas Chon., pp. 580, 581, Προθέμενος δὲ καὶ πύργον τεκτήνασθαι κατὰ τὸ ἐν Βλαχέρναις παλάτιον, ἅμα μὲν εἰς ἔρυμα τῶν ἀνακτόρων, ὡς ἔφασκε, καὶ ὑπέρεισμα, ἅμα δὲ καὶ εἰς ἐνοίκησιν ἐαυτῷ.
530. Ibid. ut supra.
531. See above, p. 132. The tower is marked L on the Map which faces p. 115.
532. Page 39.
533. Anna Comn., xii. 161, 162, where the prison of Anemas, ἡ τοῦ Ἀνεμᾶ εἱρκτή, is described as πύργος δ᾽ ἦν εἷς τις τῶν ἀγχοῦ τῶν ἐν Βλαχέρναις ἀνακτόρων διακειμένων τειχῶν τῆς πόλεως: also p. 161, τὸν ἀγχοῦ τῶν ἀνακτόρων ᾠκοδομημένον πύργον.
534. See his Epistle to Pope Nicholas V.
535. Page 51, Ἐν τοῖς πύργοις τοῖς λεγομένοις Ἀδεμανίδες πλησίον Βλαχέρνων. The name Anemas appears first in Theophanes, p. 749, as the surname of a certain Bardanius, τὸ ἐπίκλην Ἀνεμᾶν, in the reign of Nicephorus I., 802-811.
536. The Byzantine authors who refer to the Prison of Anemas in express terms are: Anna Comnena, xii. pp. 161, 162; Nicetas Choniates, p. 455 (ἡ τοῦ Ἀνεμᾶ φρουρὰ); Pachymeres, vol. i. p. 378; Cantacuzene, lib. ii. p. 329; Phrantzes, p. 51; Ducas, p. 45. Once, Pachymeres (vol. ii. p. 409) speaks of ταῖς κατὰ τὰς Βλαχέρνας εἱρκταῖς, in which the Despot Michael and his family were confined.
537. Page 31.
538. Ancient and Modern Consple., pp. 11, 45. The patriarch supposed that the Palace of Blachernæ stood within the enclosure formed by the Wall of Heraclius and the Wall of Leo. Ibid., p. 44.
539. Pand. Hist. Turc., s. 206.
540. See his Epistle to Pope Nicholas V.
541. Dolfin, s. 64, “Hieronymo Italiano, Leonardo da Languasto Genoexe, cum molti compagni, la porta Chsilo et le Torre Anemande, le qual el cardinal a sue spese hauea reparato, diffensaua.”
543. Anna Comn., xii. pp. 161, 162.
544. See Schlumberger, Un Empereur Byzantin au Dixième Siècle, chap. ii., for a brilliant account of the conquest of Crete by Nicephoras Phocas in 962; cf. Leo Diaconus, Historia, lib. i. et ii.
545. Anna Comn., xii. pp. 153-161.
546. Ibid., pp. 161-164.
547. Nicetas Chon., pp. 452-458.
548. Pachymeres, vol. i. pp. 374-403.
549. For the account of the mission to Servia, see Pachymeres, vol. i. pp. 350-355.
550. For the circumstances attending the imprisonment of Veccus, see Pachymeres, vol. i. pp. 374-403.
551. Pachymeres, vol. ii. p. 270.
552. Pachymeres, vol. ii. pp. 304, 396, 408, 409, where the prison is styled ταῖς κατὰ τὰς Βλαχέρνας εἱρκταις.
553. Cantacuzene, i. pp. 171, 172; ii. pp. 329-332, 457.
554. Langier, Histoire de la République de Venise, vol. iv. pp. 251, 253.
555. The history of the imprisonment of these Imperial personages is found in Phrantzes, pp. 49-57: Ducas, pp. 43-46: Chalcocondylas, pp. 40-46, 51, 60-64.
556. Paschal Chron., p. 726, Τούτῳ τῷ ἔτει ἐκτίσθη τὸ τεῖχος πέριξ τοῦ οἴκον τῆς δεσποίνης ἡμῶν τῆς θεοτόκου, ἔξωθεν τοῦ καλουμένου Πτεροῦ.
557. Ibid., Procopius, De Æd., lib. i. c. 3; Paschal Chron., p. 702.
558. Theophanes, p. 361.
559. For account of the siege, see Paschal Chronicle, pp. 715-726; Nicephorus Patriarcha CP., pp. 20, 21.
560. Theophanes, pp. 568, 592.
561. Theophanes Cont., p. 618.
562. Pages 37, 38.
563. Theophanes, p. 592; Cedrenus, vol. i. p. 787.
564. Paspates, p. 19.
565. Paschal Chron., p. 726; Nicephorus, Patriarcha CP., p. 21.
567. Theophanes Cont., pp. 612-618; Συναθροίσας λαὸν πολὺν καὶ τεχνίτας ἤρξατο κτίζειν ἕτερον τεῖχος ἔξωθεν τοῦ τείχους τῶν Βλαχερνῶν, κόψας καὶ τὴν σούδαν πλατεῖαν.
568. Theophanes, p. 785; Theophanes Cont., pp. 612-618.
569. Anna Comn., ii. p. 104.
570. Leunclavius, Pand Hist. Turc., s. 200. The Pentapyrgion mentioned by Constantine Porphyrogenitus was a piece of furniture in the form of a castle with five towers, kept in the Great Palace.
571. Theophanes Cont., pp. 60, 61; Cedrenus, vol. ii. pp. 81-83.
572. Procopius, De Æd., i. c. 6; Paschal Chron., pp. 724, 725.
573. Anna Comn., x. p. 48; Itinéraires Russes en Orient., p. 124. The church was dedicated to SS. Priscus and Nicholas (Procopius, ut supra). The Holy Well is now regarded as that of St. Basil (Patriarch Constantius, Ancient and Modern Consple., p. 44). Whether the church should be identified with the Church of St. Nicholas, τὰ Βασιλίδου (Codinus, p. 125, Paspates, p. 34), is doubtful.
The Cosmidion, now Eyoub, obtained its name from the celebrated Church and Monastery of SS. Cosmas and Damianus in the district. The church was founded by Paulinus, the friend of Theodosius II., and the victim of his jealousy, and is therefore sometimes described as ἐν τοῖς Παυλίνου. It stood on the hill at the head of the Golden Horn, commanding the most beautiful view of the harbour, and constituted, with the walls around it, an acropolis (Procopius, De Æd. i. c. 6). It was restored by Justinian the Great, and was famed for miraculous cures. The two saints had been what would now be termed “medical missionaries,” and exercised their art gratuitously; hence, their epithet Ἀνάργυροι (without money). Owing to the strategical position of the monastery, it was frequently seized by assailants of the city, as, for example, by the Avars (Paschal Chron., p. 725), and by the rebel Thomas (Theophanes Cont., p. 59). It was granted to Bohemond by Alexius Comnenus, and was consequently known as the Castle of Bohemond (William of Tyre, ii. pp. 84, 85). Andronicus II. Palæologus dismantled the fortress, lest it should be used by the Catalans (Pachymeres, vol. ii. p. 592).
574. Theophanes, p. 568.
575. Ibid., p. 573.
576. Ibid., p. 592.
577. Theophanes Cont., pp. 60, 61; Cedrenus, vol. ii. pp. 81-83.
578. Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 304; Theophanes Cont., pp. 406-409.
579. Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 563.
580. Anna Comn., ii. p. 104.
581. Ibid., x. p. 48.
582. For the account of the assault, see Ville-Hardouin, Conquête de Consple., c. 35; Nicetas Chon., pp. 719-723; Count Hugo, in Tafel et Thomas, p. 309.
583. Barbaro, pp. 719-722.
584. Cananus, p. 460; Phrantzes, p. 237; cf. Ducas, p. 263.
585. Paspates, p. 61.
586. Cananus, pp. 460, 470, 472; Critobulus, i. c. 27; Phrantzes, p. 237.
587. Cantacuzene, iv. p. 214: Pusculus, iv. 179.
588. Constantinopolis Christiana, lib. i. c. 15, p. 49.
589. Banduri, Imperium Orientale, lib. vii. p. 150.
590. Nicetas Chon., p. 529.
591. Ducas, p. 282.
592. Page 37.
593. Cedrenus, vol. i. p. 784; Theophanes, p. 583.
594. Theophanes, pp. 582, 583.
595. Ibid., ut supra.
596. Paschal Chron., p. 720.
597. Theophanes Cont., p. 340.
598. Ad Reg. XIV.
599. Ville-Hardouin, c. 33.
600. Paschal Chron., p. 618.
601. Theophanes Cont., p. 340; Synaxaria, July 29.
602. Paschal Chron., p. 720.
603. Attaliotes, p. 251.
604. Cantacuzune, i. pp. 290, 305; iii. p. 501.
605. John Tzetzes, as quoted by Gyllius and Du Cange, ut infra.
606. III. p. 58. Page 30.
607. Nicephorus Patriarcha CP., p. 30; where it is named τοῦ Βαρνύσσον: Theophanes Cont., p. 340, τοῦ Βαθύρσου.
608. Leo Diaconus, p. 129; Cinnamus, p. 75.
609. Anna Comn., x. p. 47. Nicetas Choniates, p. 719, adds that near the bridge stood a perforated rock, τρυπετὸν λίθον.
610. De Top. CP., iv. c. 6; see, on the whole subject, Du Cange, Constantinopolis Christiana, iv. p. 179.
611. Paschal Chron., p. 720.
612. Gyllius, De Bosporo Thracio, ii. c. 13.
613. Nicephorus Patriarcha CP., pp. 28-30.
614. Anna Comn., x. p. 47.
615. Cinnamus, p. 75.
616. Chap. 33.
617. Lib. i. pp. 290, 305; iii. p. 501.
618. La Conquête de Constantinople, c. 52: “Et il y en eut assez qui conseillièrent qu’on allât de l’autre côté de la ville, du côté où elle n’était pas si fortifiée. Et les Vénitiens, qui connaissaient mieux la mer, dirent que s’ils y allaient, le courant de l’eau les emmènerait en aval du Bras; et ils ne pourraient arrêter leurs vaisseaux.” Compare with this Pachymeres, vol. i. p. 365.
619. Theophanes, pp. 607, 608.
620. Cedrenus, vol. ii p. 82.
621. Leo Gram., p. 241.
622. See Map of Byzantine Constantinople.
624. Patriarch Constantius, Ancient and Modern Constantinople, p. 21. The inscription was in the same terms as that in honour of Constantine on the Porta Rhousiou. See above, p. 47.
625. Anonymus, iii. p. 56.
626. Theophanes, p. 589.
627. Theophanes, pp. 670, 671; Nicephorus Patriarcha CP., pp. 76, 77.
628. Genesius, p. 75; Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 107.
629. Manasses, 4824-4829.
630. See illustration facing p. 248.
631. Vol. i. numbers 8, 10, 19.
632. Von Hammer, Constantinopolis und Bosporos, vol. i. appendix, numbers 23, 24. These inscriptions are noted also by Tournefort, Voyage du Levant, lettre xi. p. 180.
633. Proceedings of the Greek Literary Syllogos of Consple., vol. xvi., 1885; Archæological Supplement, p. 31.
634. Cf. Proceedings of the Greek Literary Syllogos of Consple., vol. xvi., 1885; Archæological Supplement, p. 32. The following reading of the inscription has been suggested:
Πολλῶν κραταιῶς δεσποσάντων τοῦ σάλου
Ἀλλ᾽ οὐδενὸς πρὸς ὕψος [εἴκοσιν ποδῶν]
Τὸ βληθὲν εἰς γῆν τεῖχος ἐξηγερκότος
For the words in brackets, read instead, ἤ εὐκοσμίαν. Cf. Mordtmann, p. 53.
635. Phrantzes, pp. 287, 288.
636. Page 101. The supposition is probable; but one or two points are not clear. Phrantzes describes the post held by the Cretans as consisting of more than one tower (p. 101, τῶν πύργων), and as a single tower (p. 288, τοῦ πύργου). (1) Is the plural number to be understood literally or rhetorically? (2) Is the Basil associated by Phrantzes with Leo and Alexius (Alexander) their father, Basil I., or does the historian refer to Basil II. and the tower erected by that emperor? If the former alternative be adopted, only one tower was concerned in the matter, and the name of Basil I. must have dropped out of the inscription of Leo and Alexander when the tower, as the reversed position of part of the inscription proved, was injured and repaired. If, on the other hand, the historian, in referring to the tower of Basil, had the tower of Basil II. in view, then more than one tower was defended by the Cretans. It should be added that Phrantzes (p. 254) speaks of the crew of a Cretan ship as defending the fortifications near the Beautiful Gate, on the Golden Horn (see below, pp. 221, 222), and this may be thought to imply that the tower or towers he had in mind stood beside the harbour. But as three ships (p. 238) from Crete were present at the siege, Cretans could be found taking part in the defence at different points. The tower of Leo and Alexander has disappeared.
637. Page 274.
638. Two fragmentary inscriptions of doubtful import, on the walls beside the Sea of Marmora, may be cited here.
The first is found on the seventh tower south of Deïrmen Kapoussi, and reads:
ΟΥ ΤΟΝ ΦΗΛΩΧΡΙΣΤΟΝ ΔΕΣΠΟΤΟΝ
ΕΤΟΣ ΚΟΣΜΟΥ ΤΕΣΣΑΡΗΣ ΚΑΙ ΔΕΚΑΤΟΥ
The second is on the second tower west of Ahour Kapoussi:
ΜΒΑΙΩΝΝΘΟΜ ΤΕΙΧ ΗΝΕΟΥΡΓΕΙ ΚΑΙ ΦΥΛΑΤΕΙ
639. Pachymeres, vol. i. pp. 186, 187.
640. Three pikes.
641. Pachymeres, vol. i. p. 364; Nicephoras Greg., v. p. 124; Metrical Chronicle, pp. 657-661.
642. Dr. Paspates (pp. 208, 209) considered the land wall of the Seraglio enclosure to be the work of Michael Palæologus. His argument for the opinion that the Seraglio grounds were enclosed by walls before the Turkish Conquest, and formed, after 1261, part of the domain attached to the palace of the Byzantine emperors, is the statement of Cantacuzene (iii. pp. 47, 66) that the Church of St. Demetrius stood within the palace (τῶν βασιλείων ἐντὸς). That church Dr. Paspates identified with the Church of St. Demetrius, near the Seraglio Point; hence his conclusion that the territory about that point was included in the grounds of the Byzantine palace. But Dr. Paspates must have forgotten, for a moment, that the Church of St. Demetrius, which formed the chapel of the emperors, was not near the Seraglio Point, but near the Pharos and the Chrysotriclinium of the Great Palace, buildings placed by Dr. Paspates himself at Domus-Dama, a short distance to the east of the Hippodrome, and to the west of the Seraglio enclosure. See his work on the Great Palace, Βυζαντινὰ Ἀνάκτορα, p. 183. There is an English translation of this work by Mr. Metcalfe.
643. From Broken Bits of Byzantium. (By kind permission of Mrs. Walker.)
644. Nicephorus Greg., vii. p. 275; Nicephorus Callistus, in the Dedication of his History to Andronicus II.
645. Nicephorus Greg., ix. p. 460.
646. Cantacuzene, iv. p. 70; Nicephorus Greg., xvii. chaps. i.-vii.
647. Cantacuzene, iv. pp. 212, 213; Nicephorus Greg., xxvi. pp. 83, 84.
648. From Broken Bits of Byzantium. (By kind permission of Mrs. Walker.) The bas-relief has been removed to the Imperial Museum.
650. Cantacuzene, iii. p. 585; iv. p. 196. See Proceedings of Greek Literary Syllogos of Consple., 1885; Archæological Supplement, pp. 37, 38.
651. Chalcocondylas, pp. 285, 286.
652. The father of Dr. Mordtmann, whose work on the topography of the city has been so often cited.
653. Belagerung und Eroberung Constantinopels durch die Türken in Jahre 1453, note 27, p. 132; Stuttgart, J. G., Cottascher Verlag.
654. Ducas, pp. 196, 275; cf. Phrantzes, p. 118.
655. Ducas, pp. 93, 94. See Schlumberger, Un Empereur Byzantin au Dixième Siècle, pp. 48, 49, for an account of the interpreters attached to the Varangian Guard. Ville-Hardouin (c. 39) speaks of the dragoman who assisted Isaac Angelus in the negotiations with the envoys of the Crusaders in 1203: “Et il (the emperor) se leva, et entra en une chambre; et n’emmena avec lui que l’impératrice, et son chancelier, et son drogman, et les quatre messagers” (of the Crusaders).
657. Librum Insularum Archipelagi.
658. Ville-Hardouin, c. xxxvi., lii., liii.
659. Evlia Tchelebi. Aivan Serai means the Palace of the Porch, or Verandah. The name refers, probably, to the Palace of Blachernæ.
660. Constant. Porphyr., De Cer., p. 542, cf. p. 551. In the Bonn Edition the term is translated, “Depressa et in humilius deducta.”
661. Page 721, τὸ τεῖχος ὅ παρατείναι πρὸς θάλασσαν περὶ τόπον ὅς ἀποβάθρα τοῦ βασιλέως ὠνόμασται. Cf. Ville-Hardouin, c. 35: “un avant-mur ... près de la mer.”
662. Itinéraires Russes en Orient, p. 124.
663. Paspates, pp. 357-360. Cf. Theophanes Cont., pp. 147, 148; Anna Comn., iii. p. 166.
664. Mordtmann, p. 39.
665. Theophanes, p. 402. The building is ninety-eight feet long by sixty feet wide. The central aisle is twenty feet wide; the side aisles fifteen feet. The dividing walls, pierced by seven arches, are five feet thick.
666. Pachymeres, vol. i. p. 365.
667. Paspates, p. 317; Du Cange, Constantinopolis Christiana, iv. p. 116.
668. Νεολόγου Ἑβδομαδιαία Ἐπιθεώρησις, January 3, 1893, p. 203.
669. Itinéraires Russes en Orient, p. 233.
670. Συγγραφαὶ αἱ Ἐλάσσονες, p. 441.
671. Nicetas Chon., pp. 744-746.
672. Acta Patriarchatus CP., vol. i. p. 568.
673. Gedeon, Χρονικὰ τοῦ Πατριαρχικοῦ Οἴκου καὶ τοῦ Ναοῦ, pp. 72-75.
674. Cæsarea Legatio, pars. iii. p. 94 (Vienna, 1668).
675. It is now in the Imperial Museum.
676. Ancient and Modern Constantinople, p. 15.
677. De Top. CP., iv. c. 4; De Bosporo Thracio, ii. c. 2. This depression was visible as late as 1852, according to Scarlatus Byzantius, vol. i. p. 582. It was then known as a Tchoukour Bostan, the usual Turkish designation for a garden in a hollow.
678. Tagebuch der Gesandschaft an die Ottomanische Pforte durch David Ungnad, p. 454. All subsequent references to Gerlach are to this Diary of his visit to Constantinople, 1573-1578.
679. Pand. Hist. Turc., s. 200.
681. Page 254.
682. IV. p. 181.
683. N. Barbaro, p. 789.
684. Clavijo, p. 14, “Il fut décidé que les ambassadeurs retourneraient (from Pera) à Constantinople mercredi, par la porte nommée ‘Quinigo,’ où ils devaient trouver le sieur Hilaire ... ainsi que des chevaux de monture, et qu’ils visiteraient alors la plus grande partie de la ville.” Cf. p. 15, “Les dits ambassadeurs passèrent à Constantinople et trouvèrent bientôt le dit sieur Hilaire et d’autres personnes de la cour, près de la porte de ‘Quinigo,’ où ils les attendaient; ils montèrent à cheval et partirent pour visiter une église nommée Sancta Maria de la Cherne (St. Mary of Blachernæ).”
685. Acta Patriarchatus CP., i. p. 568, year 1334.
686. Ducas, p. 279; cf. Barbaro, p. 789.
687. Page 728.
688. Page 720.
689. Clavijo, Constantinople, Ses Sanctuaires et ses Reliques, pp. 14, 15.
690. See History of the Council of Florence, by Sgyropoulos, who attended the Council in the suite of the patriarch. The Greek original and a Latin translation are found in Veræ Historia Unionis non Veræ inter Græcos et Latinos, sive Concilii Florentini. The translation, published in 1670, is by Robert Creyghton, and was dedicated to Charles II. For the account of the matters referred to above, see that work, pp. 51, 54, 55, 67, 318. Cf. Scarlatus Byzantius, vol. i. p. 582.
691. Historia Politica, p. 19.
692. Pages 254, 255.
693. On the supposition that there was no Imperial Gate near the eastern extremity of the Harbour Walls, it is impossible to identify the Basilikè Pylè and the Gate of the Kynegos, for these names are sometimes employed in a way which renders it perfectly evident that they referred to different gates. See Phrantzes, ut supra; Pusculus, iv. 179-221; Dolfin, s. 55; Ducas, p. 275.
694. Leunclavius, Pand. Hist. Turc., s. 200.
695. Page 254.
696. Codinus, De Officiis CP., p. 39.
697. Acta Patriarchatus CP., vol. i. p. 568, year 1334: Ὁ πλησίον τῶν οἰκημάτων αὐτοῦ, τῶν περὶ τὴν πόρταν τοῦ ἁγίου καὶ ἐνδόξου Προδρόμου καὶ Βαπτιστοῦ κατὰ τῶν Κυνηγῶν, διακείμενος πάνσεπτος ναὸς τοῦ ἐν μάρτυσι περιβοήτου, μυροβλύτου καὶ θαυματουργοῦ ἁγίου Δημητρίου.
Beyond all reasonable doubt, this was the same gate as the Gate of St. John mentioned in the Chrysoboullon of John Palæologus, p. 203, cited above on p. 197. The latter, also, was a gate near the water, with a considerable territory outside the entrance, occupied by numerous buildings. See p. 203 of the Νεολόγου Ἑβδομαδιαία Ἐπιθεώρησις, of January 3, 1893. The identity of the two gates is confirmed by the reference in the Chrysoboullon to Kanabus (τοῦ Κανάβη), the eponym of the Church of St. Demetrius.
698. Page 40.
699. Vol. ii. p. 582.
700. Pusculus, iv. 189; Zorzo Dolfin, s. 55.
701. Acta Patriarchatus CP., vol. i. p. 321.
702. Ibid., p. 721.
703. Anonymus, ii. p. 35; cf. i. p. 20.
704. Nicetas Chon., p. 753.
705. Antony of Novgorod, in Itinéraires Russes en Orient, p. 99.
706. Leunclavius, Pand. Hist. Turc., s. 200.
707. Metrical Chronicle, line 259.
708. Page 41.
709. Anna Comn., iii. p. 103; Bryennius, iii. p. 126.
710. Ville-Hardouin, c. 36; Nicetas Chon., p. 722.
711. Anonymus, ii. p. 39.
712. Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 296.
713. Ibid., p. 537.
714. Anna Comn., ii. p. 103.
715. Nicetas Chon.; Ville-Hardouin, ut supra.
716. Nicetas Chon., pp. 753, 754; Ville-Hardouin, c. 52, 53.
717. N. Barbaro, p. 818.
718. Patriarch Constantius, Ancient and Modern Consple., pp. 85, 86. The church was erected or restored by Maria, the natural daughter of Michael Palæologus, upon her return to Constantinople, after the death of her husband, the Khan of the Mongols. It has remained in the possession of the Greek community, in virtue of a firman of Mehemet the Conqueror, who presented the church to Christodoulos, the architect of the mosque erected by the Sultan on the Fifth Hill (Acta Patriarchatus CP., vol. i. p. 321, year 1351).
719. Phrantzes, p. 254; Pusculus, iv. 190.
720. Codinus, De S. Sophia, p. 147; Anonymus, ii. p. 34.
721. Vol. ii. pp. 452-455.
722. Synaxaria, May 29.
723. Itinéraires Russes en Orient, p. 104.
724. Ducas, p. 293.
725. IV. 191.
726. S. 55.
727. Chroniques Græco-Romaines, pp. 96, 97. Dr. Mordtmann thinks that this point is referred to also in the Treaty of Michael Palæologus with the Venetians in 1265, when that emperor allowed the Venetians to occupy any point from the old Arsenal to Pegæ (ἀπὸ τῆς παλαιᾶς ἐξαρτύσις μέχρι καὶ τῶν Πηγῶν). The passage is ambiguous, for there was an old arsenal and a suburb Pegæ on the northern side of the Golden Horn, and the concession was outside the city.
728. Edition of C. Weseler, Paris, 1874. Cf. Gyllius, De Bosporo Thracio, ii. c. iv.
729. Paschal Chron., p. 720, 721.
730. Itinéraires Russes en Orient, pp. 88, 107, 108. Among its churches was the Church of St. Conon (Paschal Chron., p. 721), memorable in the Sedition of the Nika, as the church of the monks who rescued two of the seven rioters condemned to death from the hands of the clumsy executioner, and carried them across the Golden Horn in a boat to the Church of St. Laurentius for sanctuary (Malalas, p. 473).
731. Desimoni, Giornale Ligustico, anno iii., Genoa, 1876.
732. Lib. i. c. 42; cf. Mordtmann, p. 43.
733. Nicetas Chon., iii. p. 722; Ville-Hardouin, c. 36.
734. Ibid., p. 754; Chroniques Græco-Romaines, p. 96.
735. Ibid., ut supra; Ville-Hardouin, c. 54.
736. Pachymeres, vol. i. p. 365; Tafel und Thomas, ii. p. 284.
737. Tafel und Thomas, ii. pp. 46, 348.
738. Ibid., p. 423. Dr. Mordtmann (pp. 73, 74) identifies the Monastery of Christ the Benefactor with the ruined Byzantine church known as Sinan Pasha Mesdjidi, to the south of St. Theodosia (see Dr. Paspates, pp. 384, 385). But the prominence of the monastery suggests a position nearer the shore. For incidents connected with it, see Pachymeres, vol. ii. p. 579; Cantacuzene, iii. p. 493. A tower near the monastery (“ab ultima turri de Virgioti versus Wlachernam”) marked the eastern limit of certain fishery rights in the Golden Horn granted to the Monastery of St. Giorgio Majore, at Venice (Tafel und Thomas, ii. pp. 47-49).
739. Pusculus, iv. 192; Dolfin, s. 55.
740. Ducas, p. 282.
741. Anonymus, ii. p. 39; Acta Patriarchatus CP., ii. p. 461; Itinéraires Russes en Orient, pp. 104, 105.
742. According to Dr. Paspates (pp. 381-383), respectively, Pour Kouyou Mesdjidi, and Sheik Mourad Mesdjidi.
743. Ducas, ut supra.
744. Mordtmann, pp. 7, 8, 45; Du Cange, iv. ad St. Acacium. See above, p. 32.
745. Notitia, ad Reg. X.
746. Socrates, ii. c. xx.; Theophanes, p. 70.
747. Du Cange, ut supra.
748. Ibid., vi. c. xxi.
749. Miklosich et Muller, iii. p. 88.
750. Ibid., ut supra.
751. According to Du Cange, Glossarium Mediæ et Infimæ Latinitatis, ad vocem, from Drungus, “company of soldiers.” The word is connected with the German “Gedrung” and the English “throng.”
752. Anna Comn., vi. p. 286; cf. Luitprandus, as quoted by Du Cange, in Anna Comn., vol. ii. p. 544.
753. Tafel und Thomas, ii. pp. 27, 28: “Via quæ dicitur De Longaria, extra murum civitatis CP.”
754. Ibid., pp. 11, 60: “Scala de Drongario.”
755. Theophanes, p. 281.
756. Gerlach, p. 454; Smith, Epistolæ Quatuor, p. 88.
757. Mordtmann, p. 46.
758. Pand. Hist. Turc., s. 200.
759. Paspates, p. 166.
760. Heyd, Histoire du Commerce du Levant, vol. i. p. 251.
761. Ibid., p. 251.
762. Theophanes, p. 353; cf. Procopius, De Æd., i. c. vii.
763. Notitia, ad Reg. VI.
764. Novella LIX., c. v.
765. Paschal Chron., p. 618.
766. Notitia, ut supra.
767. Ptochoprodromus, line 113; cf. Paspates, pp. 164, 165.
768. VII. p. 286.
769. Tafel und Thomas, i. p. 50.
770. Tafel und Thomas, i. pp. 55-63.
771. Ibid., ii. p. 4; iii. pp. 133-149.
772. Gyllius, De Top. CP., iii. c. i.; Leunclavius, Pand. Hist. Turc., s. 200.
773. On the subject of the Italian and other foreign colonies settled in Byzantine Constantinople, the reader may consult Paspates, pp. 127-276; Mordtmann, pp. 46-50; Desmoni, Giornale Ligustico, vol. i.; Sui Quartieri dei Genovesi a Constantinopoli nel Secolo XII.; Heyd, Histoire du Commerce du Levant; Sauli, Della Colonia del Genovesi in Galata; Pears, Fall of Constantinople, c. 6; Miklosich et Müller, Acta et Diplomata Græca; Tafel und Thomas, Urkunden zur Älteren Handels und Staatsgeschichte der Republik Venedig.
774. The Russian pilgrim, Stephen of Novgorod (Itinéraires Russes en Orient, p. 121), who visited Constantinople about 1350, found a gate near the sea, and beside a Church of St. Demetrius, named “Portes Juives,” on account of the many Jews settled in the vicinity. From the connection in which the fact is mentioned, it appears that the gate stood on the Marmora side of the city, somewhere in the neighbourhood of Vlanga; thus showing how the same name might belong to different gates at different periods in the history of the city. Nicolo Barbaro (p. 817) confirms the existence of a Jewish quarter on the Marmora shore of the city, when he says that the Turkish fleet, finding itself unable to force the chain across the harbour, abandoned the attempt, and proceeded to the side towards the Dardanelles (“de la band del Dardanelo”), and there landed to plunder the Jewish quarter (“muntò in tera de la banda de la Zudeca”). It is possible, indeed, to contend that the Russian pilgrim referred to a gate near the Church of St. Demetrius beside the Seraglio Point. This view does not affect the argument presented in the text.
775. Tafel und Thomas, ii. pp. 270-272; cf. Ibid., pp. 4-11.
776. Miklosich et Müller, iii. pp. 12, 16, 19; cf. Ibid., p. 6.
777. Codinus, p. 22; cf. Paspates, p. 158.
778. Constant. Porphyr., De Cer., p. 737.
779. Miklosich et Müller, iii. pp. 19-21.
780. Pachymeres, vol. i. p. 365; Gyllius, De Top. CP., iii. c. i.
781. Miklosich et Müller, iii. pp. 19, 21.
782. Ibid., p. 19.
784. Nicephorus Patriarcha, CP., p. 57; Theophanes, p. 591; Theophanes Cont., p. 391.
785. Anonymus, ii. p. 30; Codinus, p. 52.
786. Miklosich et Müller, iii. p. 6. Such a factory can be seen to-day at Keurekdjilar, in Galata.
787. Paschal Chron., p. 582; Cedrenus, vol. i. pp. 609, 610; ii. p. 529.
788. De Top. CP., iii. c. i.; De Bosporo Thracio, ii. c. ii.
789. Page 454.
790. Pand. Hist Turc., s. 200.
791. Phrantzes, p. 254.
792. Ducas, p. 282. Phrantzes and Ducas are the only Byzantine writers who mention the Beautiful Gate.
793. Gyllius, De Top. CP., iii. c. i.; cf. Paspates, pp. 166, 167. The ground on which Yeni Validè Djamissi stands, near the Stamboul end of the Outer Bridge, belonged, as late as the seventeenth century, to Karaïte Jews, who claimed that the territory had been granted to their ancestors under the Byzantine Empire. In return for the seizure of the ground to build the mosque (1615-1655), the community received houses at Haskeui, and forty members of the community were exempted from taxation for life. As the site of the synagogue could not be sold, the mosque has had to pay the community an annual rent of thirty-two piastres.
794. Patriarch Constantius, Ancient and Modern Consple., p. 12.
795. Page 268.
796. I. c. 18.
797. Page 238.
798. Page 384.
799. Pages 283, 284.
800. Pages 282, 283.
801. Page 263.
802. Page 300.
804. Pages 270, 271.
805. Gyllius’ statement (De Top. CP., III. c. i.) on the subject is: “Portum, quem vocunt Neorion, quod prope portam, quam Græci appellant Oraiam, corruptè quasi Neorii portam, aut non longe ab ea, fuisse existimo. Hodie inter mare et Portam Oraiam, quam Turci appellant Siphont (Tsifout), id est, Judæorum eam accolentium, spatium latum ... videre licet.” Cf. De Bosporo Thracio, II. c. i. “Pro porta quam vulgo vocant Oriam corruptè, quasi olim Neorii portam.”
806. Page 454: “Die Prächtige, itzund die Juden-Pfort.”
807. Pand. Hist. Turc., s. 200. “Porta quæ Græci quotquot vederi peritores volunt Porta Horæa (Ὡραία), vulgo Huræa (Ebraia) dicitur.”
808. Miklosich et Müller, iii. pp. ix., 53; Desimoni, Giornale Ligustico, vol. i. p. 37: Sui Quartieri dei Genovesi a Constantinopoli, nel secolo XII., p. 46.
809. Notitia, ad Reg. V.
810. Paschal Chron., ad ann. 406, 415.
811. Cod. Theod. De Calcis Coctor., Lex V.; Stephanus Byzantius, De Urbibus et Populis, ad vocem; Evagrius, ii. c. xiii.
812. Mordtmann, p. 49.
813. Anonymus, ii. p. 29. The point at Scutari where cattle are embarked to be ferried to the city is called by the Turks “Ukooz-Limani,” the Ox-Port.
814. Notitia, ad Reg. V.
815. Constant. Porphyr., De Cer., p. 699.
816. De Corona, p. 134, Edition Didot.
817. Evagrius, ii. c. xiii.
818. Anonymus, i. p. 2.
819. Cantacuzene, iv. pp. 213, 214.
820. Ibid., iv. pp. 76, 232.
821. Anna Comn., xv. p. 345.
822. Pachymeres, vol. ii. p. 175; Nicephorus Greg., vi. p. 167.
823. Anonymus, i. p. 2; Acta Patriarchatus CP., p. 563.
824. Banduri, Imp. Orient., vii. p. 149.
825. Miklosich et Müller, ii. pp. 467, 564.
826. Notitia, ad Reg. IV.
827. Codinus, De Officiis, pp. 107, 108; cf. Cantacuzene, iv. p. 11.
828. Critobulus, i. c. 18.
829. Leo Diaconus, pp. 78, 79; Anonymus, iii. p. 56. This was probably the tower to which N. Barbaro (p. 733) refers when, speaking of the two towers, on the opposite sides of the entrance to the Golden Horn, which supported the chain, he says, “Etiam una tore per ladi de la zilade, zoè una de la banda de Constantinopoli, l’altra de la banda de Pera, le qual tore vignia a far defexa assai.”
830. N. Barbara, pp. 722, 723.
831. Ville-Hardouin, c. 32.
832. Gyllius, De Top. CP., iv. c. x. “Adhuc Galatæ porta est, quæ appellatur Catena, ex eo, quod ab Acropoli usque ad eam portam catena extenderetur.” Cf. Theophanes, p. 609.
833. Dr. Paspates (Πολιορκία καὶ Ἄλωσις τῆς ΚΠ., p. 63) thinks the tower stood beside the Offices of the Board of Health, between the Galata Bridge and the Galata Custom House. He grounds this opinion on the existence of old ruins at that point. But the chain would never be placed aslant the harbour, as this view implies.
834. Theophanes, p. 609.
835. Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 80.
836. Leo Diaconus, p. 79.
837. Nicetas Chon., p. 718; cf. Ville-Hardouin, c. xxxii.
838. Phrantzes, p. 251. See below, pp. 241-247, for the discussion regarding the precise route taken by the ships.
839. Acta Patriarchatus CP., ii. p. 467; Anna Comn., xv. p. 345.
840. Procopius, De Æd., i. c. xi. R.
841. Nicephorus Greg., vii. p. 275.
842. Patriarch Constantius, Ancient and Modern Consple., p. 15. With him agree Von Hammer, Paspates, Mordtmann, etc.
843. Gerlach, p. 454; Leunclavius, Pand. Hist. Turc. s. 200.
844. Pages 254, 255, Ἐδόθη φυλάττειν τὸν πύργον τὸν ἐν μέσω τοῦ ῥεύματος, τὸν φυλάσσοντα τὴν εἴσοδον τοῦ λιμένος, καὶ ἦν ἀντικρὺς τῆς πύλης τῆς βασιλικῆς.
845. Page 259. Dr. Paspates, in his work on the siege of the city (Πολιορκία καὶ Ἂλωσις τῆς Κωνσταντινουπόλεως, p. 141), represents the Hill of St. Theodore and the battery upon it as commanding the Bay of Cassim Pasha. This, however, is in harmony neither with the statements of Phrantzes, nor with local configuration. The requirements of the case are met by the supposition that the Hill of St. Theodore was the ridge to the north-east of Top Haneh, and that the Sultan’s battery stood nearer the Bosporus than the present Italian Hospital. Cf. Zorzo Dolfin, s. 44: “Acceso el Turcho da disdegno, da i montè orientali de Pera penso a profondar con machine e morteri, o trar quelle de la cathena. Mezzo adonque le bombarde a segno dal occidente” (i.e. aiming towards west), “se sforza con bombardieri profundar le naue.”
846. Page 259.
847. Page 238.
848. XVII., p. 860; cf. Cantacuzene, iv. p. 232.
849. Dr. Paspates (see p. 111 of his work on the siege of the city, cited above) understands Phrantzes in the same way. He identifies the tower with one which stood, until 1817, between the Gate of St. Barbara (Top Kapoussi) and the Gate of Eugenius (Yali Kiosk Kapoussi). It was probably the tower to which Nicolo Barbaro refers (see above, p. 228).
850. Pages 254, 255.
851. See his Epistle to the Pope on the Capture of Constantinople.
852. Pusculus, iv. pp. 179-221.
853. Ducas, p. 275.
854. Acta Patriarchatus CP., vol. ii. p. 391, year 1400; cf. pp. 297, 487.
855. Speaking of the bridge which the Sultan built out into the Golden Horn, and on which he placed cannon to batter the walls in the Kynegon, Leonard of Scio (p. 931) says the bridge was built that the army might advance near the wall, beside the “fanum” of the city: “Decurreret ad murum prope, juxta fanum urbis.” The term is ambiguous. Zorzo Dolfin translates it, “Appresso la giesia” (the church). But more probably the reference is to the Phanar quarter, although the bridge was not exactly opposite to it.
856. How old this church is cannot be precisely determined. It is known to have been in existence, as a small chapel, before 1640, when it was burned down. It was then reconstructed, but was again destroyed by fire, after which it was rebuilt at the expense of the monastery on Mount Sinai. For some time it was the fashionable church of the Phanariotes. See Patriarch Constantius, Ancient and Modern Consple., pp. 104, 105. Mr. Gedeon ascribes it to the 14th century (Proceedings of the Greek Syllogos of Consple., vol. xxvi. p. 148. 1896).
857. Acta Patriarchatus CP., ii. p. 391.
858. Pand. Hist. Turc., s. 200.
859. Page 454, where he styles the first gate west of the Seraglio Point “Die Königliche Pforte.”
860. See above, p. 228; see below, p. 250.
861. Acta Patriarchatus CP., ii. pp. 297, 391, 487.
862. Pachymeres, vol. ii. p. 503.
863. Lib. i. c. 65.
864. Lib. i. c. 18.
865. Lib. i. c. 65.
866. If the Basilikè Pylè could be identified with the gate which went by the names Porta Boni, Porta Veteris Rectoris, at Sirkedji Iskelessi, all statements concerning the Imperial Gate might be applied to that single entrance. But this would be to interpret the language of Phrantzes and Leonard of Scio on the subject too loosely. Nor is there any reason apparent for bestowing such an epithet upon that gate, or for regarding that gate important during the last siege.
867. The Basilikè Pylè is mentioned in Byzantine history by the following writers:—
Pachymeres, vol. ii. pp. 178-180.—As the starting-point of a great conflagration, in 1291, which extended far into the interior of the city, and caused immense loss of houses and merchandise.
Ibid., p. 503.—As the gate to which Berenger, in 1306, took his ship from the harbour at Blachernæ, in order to leave Constantinople more readily, as soon as a favourable wind sprang up.
Acta Patriarchatus CP., vol. ii. p. 297. Year 1399.—As the gate beside the shore on which a certain priest had his residence.
Ibid., p. 391. Year 1400.—As the gate before which a Church of St. John the Baptist stood upon the seashore.
Ibid., p. 487. Year uncertain.—As the gate before which there was a hospitium on the sea-shore, near the Church of St. John the Baptist.
Ducas, pp. 184-186.—As the gate guarded by soldiers from Crete during the siege of 1422. At the demand of those loyal troops the Emperor Manuel Palæologus, who had taken up his quarters in the monastery of the Peribleptos (Soulou Monastir), allowed his minister Theologus to be tried on the charge of accepting bribes from the Turks to betray the city. Having been found guilty, Theologus was forthwith dragged by the Cretans along the street to the Basilikè Pylè, and there had his eyes put out, in a manner that resulted in his death three days after the horrible operation.
Chalcocondylas, pp. 285, 286.—As the gate beside which stood the tower injured by the cannon of the Genoese in 1434.
Ducas, pp. 275, 283, 295, 300.—As the gate defended by the Venetians, and by the Grand Duke Notaras, in the siege of 1453.
Phrantzes, p. 255; Leonard of Scio, in his Letter to Pope Nicholas.—As the gate defended, in 1453, by Gabriel of Treviso.
Pusculus, iv. p. 193.—As the gate defended, in 1453, by the Grand Duke Notaras.
Critobulus, i. c. 65.—As the gate attacked by the Turkish fleet which entered the Golden Horn, after forcing the chain across the mouth of the harbour.
868. Lib. i. c. 42.
870. Page 753.
871. Page 271.
872. Page 251.
873. Constantinople et le Bosphore, p. 364.
874. Lib. i. c. 42.
875. Siège de Constantinople; Nicolò Barbaro, Giornale, p. 752.
876. See his work on the Siege of the City in 1453, p. 139.
877. Page 270: Προστάττει τοῦ εὐθυδρομηθῆναι τὰς νάπας τὰς ὄπισθεν κειμένας τοῦ Γαλατᾶ, ἀπὸ τὸ μέρος τὸ πρὸς ἀνατολὴν, κάτωθεν τοῦ διπλοῦ κίονος.
878. IV. 550-551.
879. Page 753.
880. Lib. i. c. 42. Charles Müller thinks the correct reading in the text of Critobulus was not “eight stadia,” but “eighteen stadia.”
881. For the site of the Diplokionion, see Gyllius, De Bosporo Thracio, ii. c. 7. See also, Bondelmontius’ Map (the columns are more distinctly shown in the copy of that map found in Du Cange and Banduri, than in the copy which accompanies this work). The idea of Dr. Dethier, expressed in a note on Pusculus (Siège de Constantinople, p. 237), that the Diplokionion stood, in Byzantine days, at Cabatash, and was removed—columns and inhabitants together—to Beshiktash, after the Turkish Conquest, has no foundation whatever.
882. Page 753.
883. Dethier, Siège de Constantinople, No. xviii. p. 893.
884. See Map of Byzantine Constantinople.
885. Mentioned by the Anonymus, iii. p. 61; Nicetas Chon., p. 169; Cantacuzene, iv. p. 221.
886. Anonymus, iii. p. 61; Cantacuzene, iv. p. 232 ; Pachymeres, vol. i. p. 270.
887. Gyllius, De Top. CP., i. c. xxi.
888. Nicetas Chon., p. 205, ἀπὸ τῆς ἑῴας πύλης, ἥτις ἀνέῳγε κατὰ τὴν ἀκρόπολιν. Cf. Ibid., p. 26; Pachymeres, vol. i. p. 270.
889. Anabasis, vii. c. i. See above, p. 5.
890. Theophanes, p. 671; Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 12.
891. Pachymeres, ut supra.
893. Nicephorus Greg., xvii. p. 860.
894. Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 363.
895. Nicetas Chon., p. 26.
896. Ibid., p. 205.
897. Patriarch Constantius, Ancient and Modern Consple., p. 23.
898. Anonymus, ii. p. 26; Glycas, p. 468.
899. Page 268, Ὁ ἀντίπορθμος οὖτος πύργος τῆς τῶν Μαγγάνων ἄγχιστα δεδομημένος μονῆς.
900. The rock is associated with the history of Byzantium. Upon it Chares, admiral of the Athenian fleet, sent to aid Byzantium against Philip of Macedon, erected a pillar surmounted by the figure of a heifer as a monument to the memory of his wife, Damalis, who had accompanied him on the expedition, and died at Chrysopolis. Hence that suburb and the rock were sometimes called Damalis. A palace of the Byzantine emperors at Damalis was named Scutarion (Nicetas Chon., p. 280; Ville-Hardouin, c. lxix.). It was noted for its pleasant air and quiet. Cf. Gyllius, De Bosporo Thracio, iii. c. ix.
901. Cantacuzene, iii. pp. 438, 495, 541.
902. Paschal Chron., p. 495; Notitia, ad Reg. II. See above, p. 13.
903. Marcellinus Comes.
904. Theophanes, p. 574. For other executions under Constantine Copronymus, see Theophanes, pp. 647, 677, 683.
905. Zonaras, xvii. p. 55.
906. Nicetas Chon., p. 268.
907. Zonaras, ut supra.
908. M. Attaliota, p. 48.
909. Constantinople, ses Sanctuaires el ses reliques, au commencement du XV. Siècle. Traduit par Bruun, Odessa, 1883.
910. Itinéraires Russes en Orient, pp. 162.
912. Ville-Hardouin, cs. xxv.-xxvii.; William of Tyre, lib. xx. c. xxiv.
913. Cantacuzene, iv. pp. 307, 308.
914. Large chambers and galleries are found in the body of the portion of the wall between this gate and a short distance beyond Indjili Kiosk. One gallery measures 123-½ feet long by 21 feet wide; one of the chambers is 52-½ feet by 51 feet.
915. Itinéraires Russes en Orient, p. 119.
916. Gyllius, De Top. CP., i. c. vii.
917. Relation d’un Voyage fait au Levant, c. xviii. (1665).
918. Relation d’un Voyage de Constantinople, p. 83 (1670).
919. Constantinopolis und der Bosporos, vol. i. p. 238.
920. Le Palais Impérial de Constantinople et ses Abords, p. 99.
921. Ancient and Modern Consple., p. 26; cf. Scarlatus Byzantius, vol. i. p. 181.
922. Itinéraires Russes en Orient, pp. 119, 202, 231.
924. For a description of the ruins, see Dr. Paspates, pp. 106-109.
925. Ibid., p. 107.
926. Page 52. As to the opinion of Paspates that the heads on the capitals found among the ruins represented lions and bulls, Dr. Mordtmann remarks, “explication qui n’a point été admise par ses contradicteurs.”
927. Theophanes Cont., p. 337.
928. Nicetas Chon., p. 581.
931. Anna Comn., xv. pp. 372, 377.
932. Itinéraires Russes en Orient, pp. 201, 202: “Non loin de ce couvent (Hodegetria, proceeding towards the Seraglio Point) sont deux autres, celui de Lazare le Ressuscité, où ses reliques et (celles de) sa sœur Marie sont incrustées dans une colonne; et secondement celui de Lazare, évêque de Galassie.”
933. Codinus, pp. 25, 79. Can the Topi have been remains of one of the theatres erected by Severus in Byzantium?
934. Page 79.
935. Leo Gram., p. 273, Εἰς τὸν ἅγιον Λάζαρον, εἰς τὸ καταβάσιον τοῦ Τζυκανιστηρίου: p. 274, εἰς τοὺς λεγομένους Τόπους. Cf. Theophanes Cont., pp. 859, 860.
936. Procopius, De Æd., i. c. xi.
937. Codinus, p. 33; Suidas, ad vocem στήλη.
938. Procopius, De Æd., i. c. xi.
939. Ibid., ut supra.
940. Pachymeres, vol. i. p. 160; Codinus, p. 80.
941. Itinéraires Russes en Orient, p. 229.
942. Genesius, iv. p. 103; Cantacuzene, iii. p. 607; Nicetas Chon., p. 26; Pachymeres, ut supra.
943. Nicetas Chon., pp. 496, 497.
944. Ducas, p. 288.
945. Itinéraires Russes en Orient, p. 230, “Au nord du couvent d’Odigitria, dans la direction de Mangana;” p. 229, “à l’est de Sainte Sophie, dans la direction de la mer, à droite, s’élève un couvent appelé Odigitria.”
946. Page 52.
947. Pachymeres, vol. ii. p. 238.
948. Ducas, pp. 41, 42, 283.
949. Psalm cxviii. 19. † ΑΝΥΞΑΤΑΙ ΜΟΙ ΠΥΛΑΣ ΔΙΚΑΙΩΣΥΝΗΣ ΙΝΑ ΕΙΣΕΛΘΩΝ ΕΝ ΑΥΤΑΙΣ ΕΞΟΜΟΛΟΓΗΣΩΜΑΙ ΤΩ ΚΥΡΙΩ †. Cf. Proceedings of Greek Literary Syllogos of Consple., vol. xvi., 1885; Archæological Supplement, pp. 23, 24; cf. Mordtmann, p. 53.
950. Pachymeres, vol. ii. p. 238.
951. Ducas, pp. 41, 42; Cantacuzene (iv. p. 284) says that John Palæologus took the city by surprise, entering the Harbour of the Heptascalon during the night.
952. Genesius, iv. p. 103; Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 179.
953. Nicetas Chon., p. 698.
954. Ducas, p. 283.
955. Ancient and Modern Consple., p. 23.
956. Leo Gramm., p. 289.
957. Ancient and Modern Consple., p. 23.
958. Le Palais Impérial de Consple., p. 207.
959. Anonymus, ii. p. 23.
960. De Top. CP., ii. c. xv.
961. Pand. Hist. Turc., s. 200, Πόρτα ταῖς Ἀρκούδες; Itinéraires Russes en Orient, p. 235: “Sous la muraille au pied de la mer, se trouvent des ours et des aurochs en pierre.”
962. Patriarch Constantius, Ancient and Modern Consple., p. 22.
963. Anonymus, iii. p. 46.
964. Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 250. Symeon Magister (De Leone Basilii Filio, c. i.) records a fire near the Harbour of Sophia and the Iron Gate, which burned the Church of St. Thomas—a proof that these points stood near one another.
966. Cedrenus, vol. i. pp. 609-611; Zonaras, xiv. p. 1205.
967. Habakkuk iii. 8.
968. Psalm xxi. 7.
969. Psalm lxxxix. 22.
970. Psalm xviii. 3
971. Psalm xv. 4. Possibly the inscription commemorated the triumph of Justinian over the Factions in 532.
972. Codinus, p. 101; Anonymus, iii. p. 45.
973. Ibid. ut supra; ibid., p. 46.
974. Leunclavius, Pand. Hist. Turc., s. 200.
975. Codinus, p. 109.
979. Paschal Chron., p. 494; Codinus, pp. 102, 103.
980. Anonymus, i. p. 2; Codinus, p. 25. See above, p. 31.
981. Ibid., iii. p. 46; ibid., p. 49.
982. Ibid., iii. p. 49; ibid., pp. 102, 103.
983. Anonymus, iii. p. 48. The name appears also under the forms Ψαμάθεα (Codinus, p. 109); τῶν Ὕψωμαθίων (Phrantzes, p. 253); τοῦ Ψωμαθέως (Constant. Porphyr., De Administratione Imperii, c. 43). The quarter boasted of a palace and gerocomion, ascribed to St. Helena (Anonymus, ut supra), a monastery (Constant. Porphyr., ut supra), and the Church of the Theotokos Peribleptos (Soulou Monastir).
984. De Cer., pp. 562, 563.
985. Page 349.
986. Theophanes Cont., p. 223.
987. See account of his treatment at Constantinople in his fifteenth Epistle.
988. Nicetas Chon., p. 347.
989. Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 292.
990. Anna Comn., iii. p. 137; Zonaras, xvi. c. xxviii. p. 131.
991. Bondelmontius’ Map.
992. William of Tyre, xx. c. xxiii. p. 983.
993. Theophanes Cont., p. 447; Anna Comn., vii. pp. 334, 335; Itinéraires Russes en Orient, p. 235.
994. William of Tyre, ut supra.
995. Anna Comn., iii. p. 137; Anonymus, i. p. 9.
996. Page 118.
998. Le Palais Impérial de Consple., pp. 201-210.
999. Constantinopolis und der Bosporos, vol. i. pp. 119, 121, 124.
1000. Histoire de l’Empire Ottoman, vol. v., note xxxv.
1001. Pages 53, 54.
1002. Marin Sanuto, Diarii Autographi, vol. lvii., Carta 158, recto, 14 Decembrio, 1532. The document was addressed to the Doge Gritti, who had been in Constantinople, and knew the localities to which allusion was made.
1003. Von Hammer (Histoire de L’Empire Ottoman, vol. v. note xxxv.) quotes also from Cornelius, the ambassador of Charles V. to Sultan Suleiman, who alludes to the subject in the following words: “Est mamor quoddam hic propere ad mare, in quo sculptus est leo ingens tenens taurum cornibus, tam vasta moles ut a mille hominibus moveri non possit.”
The Venetian historian Sagrado, in his Memorie Istoriche de Monarchi Ottomani, adds that the monument fell to the ground. “In Constantinopoli un Leone di pietra, il quale stava fuori della porta a Marina, che con una zanna afferava on toro, guardava prima verso Levante, si ritrovo che stava rivolto a Ponente. E perche, era situato sopra due colonne, precipito unitamente col toro, che si ruppe una coscia e cade con la testa nel fiume, in cui parea in certo modo che bevese” (Libro, iv. p. 319. Venezia, 1677).
With the above compare the statement found in the Spectator of April 20, 1895, p. 519, when describing the effects of recent earthquakes in Southern Austria, Northern Italy, and Hungary: “At Fiume and Trieste there was also a good deal of disturbance, and at Trieste the statue of the Emperor Charles is reported to have twisted round on its pedestal and now faces opposite to where it faced before. What an omen that would have been considered three hundred years ago!”
1004. See above, p. 269, ref. 2.
1005. Pand. Hist. Turc., s. 200: “Tchatladi capsi, a mactatione pecudum.... Ædificium rotundum extra muros, ipso mari vicinum, ac vetus habet undique circumfluum nisi qua terræ jungitur, in quo mactantur, excoriantur et exenterantur pecudes.”
1006. Ibid., ut supra: “Fenestres habet hæc porta (Tchatlady Kapou) marmoreas a latere, cujusdam ædificii vel palatii veteris, quod ipsis, muris urbanis incumbit.”
1007. De Top. CP., lib. i. c. vii.; lib. ii. c. xv.: “Sub Hippodromo versus meridiem est Porta Leonis Marmorei, extra urbem siti, in ruderibus Palatii Leonis Marcelli; cujus fenestræ antiquo opere laboratæ extant in muro inclusæ.”
1008. Voyage Pittoresque dans l’Empire Ottoman, etc., vol. iv.
1009. The palace stood on a terraced platform, the area of which was some 200 by 175 feet. See Map facing p. 269.
1010. From Broken Bits of Byzantium. (By kind permission of Mrs. Walker.)
1011. See above, p. 269. Anna Comnena (iii. p. 137) speaks of a lower and a higher palace, Ἐν τῷ κάτω παλατίῳ: εἰς τὸ ὑπερκείμενον παλάτιον.
1012. Procopius, De Æd., i. c. iv.; Bondelmontius, Librum Insularum, p. 121.
1013. Labarte, Le Palais Imperial de Consple., pp. 208-210.
1014. Lib. i. p. 9.
1015. Lib. iii. p. 42; cf. Codinus, p. 125.
1016. Lib. iii. p. 45.
1017. Codinus, p. 87.
1018. Imperium Orientale, vol. ii. pp. 678, 679.
1019. Le Palais Imperial de Consple., pp. 208, 209.
1021. Fragm. Hist. Græc., vol. iv. p. 107.
1022. Page 700.
1023. From Broken Bits of Byzantium. (By kind permission of Mrs. Walker.)
1024. Procopius, De Æd., i. c. iv.
1025. Procopius, De Æd., i. c. iv.
1026. Translation by R. Payne Smith, p. 179.
1027. De Cer., p. 601.
1028. Theophanes Cont., p. 22; Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 49.
1029. Theophanes, p. 456. May David, however, in opposition to the view of Du Cange, adopted in the text, not have been Keeper of the Archives of SS. Sergius and Bacchus?
1030. Against this view it may be objected that the Anonymus ascribes the Palace of the Bucoleon to Theodosius II. But the authority of the Anonymus on points of history is not very great. Or, it may be held, that the palace was founded by Theodosius II., and that the name Bucoleon was given to it later.
1031. Zosimus, ii. pp. 92, 93; iii. pp. 140, 158.
1032. Procopius, De Æd. i. c. iv.
1033. John of Ephesus, translation by R. Payne Smith, pp. 179, 180.
1034. John of Antioch, Fragm. Hist. Græc., vol. iv. p. 107.
1035. Theophanes Cont., p. 447.
1036. Nicetas Chon., iii. p. 149.
1037. Leo Diac., iv. p. 63-65.
1038. Ibid., iv. p. 64; Cedrenus, vol. ii. 369, 370; Zonaras, xvi. c. xxvi. p. 123. The last author describes the work thus: Τῷ νῦν ὁρωμένῳ τείχει τὰ βασίλεια ἐστεφάνωσεν. Ἄκροπολιν δ᾽ οἱ πολίται τοῦτο καὶ τυραννεῖον καθ᾽ ἑαυτῶν γινόμενον ἔκρινον.
1039. Ibid., iv. p. 64, Περίβολον ἐκ τοῦ θατέρου μέρους τοῦ πρὸς θάλατταν ἐπικλινοῦς τῶν ἀνακτόρων τειχίζειν ἀρξάμενος, κατὰ θάτερον πρὸς θάλατταν συνεπέρανε, καὶ τεῖχος, τὸ νῦν ὁρώμενον ὑψηλόν τε καὶ ὀχυρὸν ἐδομήσατο, καὶ τὴν βασίλειον ἑστίαν ὡς ὑπετόπαζεν, ἠσφαλίσατο. Not, as Schlumberger supposes, from the Golden Horn to the Sea of Marmora, across the promontory (Un Empereur Byzantin au Dixième Siècle, p. 544).
1040. Lib. v. c. ix.; Migne, Patrologia Latina, vol. cxxxvi.
1041. Le Palais Impérial de Consple., p. 210.
1042. Op. cit., p. 545.
1043. Still, the Palaces of the Bucoleon may have been protected by a special enclosure, although the historians do not refer to it particularly.
In the garden of a Turkish house to the north of the lower palace, a portion of a Byzantine wall, about 130 feet in length and 40 feet high, is found standing. It was discovered, when walls and houses in the neighbourhood were demolished for the construction of the Roumelian Railway, and was then pierced by a very large vaulted gateway, over 18 feet high, supported by four great marble columns. Gate and columns have disappeared. If produced southwards, the wall would join the tower at the eastern end of the lower palace; while if produced northwards, the wall would abut against the retaining wall of the terrace on which the Mosque of Sultan Achmet and its courtyards are built. The wall is pierced with loopholes, facing east, and behind them a passage runs along the rear of the wall, through arches occurring at intervals.
Dr. Paspates (p. 120) regarded the wall as part of the Peridromi of Marcian (see Labarte, Le Palais Impérial de Consple., p. 214), attached to the Great Palace. But this view of its character is not consistent with the fact that the loopholes look eastwards. That fact indicates that the wall belonged to the Palaces of the Bucoleon which stood to the rear. The gate in the wall, likewise, shows that these palaces were separated from the area of the Great Palace. May the wall not have turned westwards, at its present northern extremity, to protect the Palaces of the Bucoleon along the north, and then southwards, to connect with the city wall at Tchatlady Kapou, and protect the palaces on the west? This, with the city wall along the southern front of the palaces, would put them within a fortified enclosure of their own.
1044. Theophanes Cont., p. 393.
1045. Leo Diaconus, v. p. 87; Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 375.
1046. Nicetas Chon., pp. 169, 170.
1047. Anna Comn., iii. p. 137.
1048. Lib. xx. c. 23.
1049. Conquête de Consple., c. li. E.
1050. Ibid., c. lv.
1051. Conquête de Consple., c. li.
1052. Ibid., c. liii.
1053. Ibid., c. lv.
1054. Ville-Hardouin, c. lviii.
1055. Ibid., c. cvi.
1056. Ibid., c. liii., lv.
1057. Ibid., c. lv. The position assigned by Labarte to the Palace of Bucoleon, at Ahour Kapoussi, explains his interpretation of the statements of Ville-Hardouin.
1058. Le Palais Impérial de Consple., p. 201. Labarte quotes Luitprandi Antapodosis, lib. v. s. 21, ap. Pertz., Mon. Germ. Hist., t. v. p. 333.
1059. Theophanes Cont., p. 393.
1060. De Cer., p. 586.
1061. Page 253.
1062. Notitia, ad Reg. III.
1063. Theod. Cod., De Calcis Coctor.
1064. Theophanes, p. 284.
1065. Nicetas Chon., p. 585.
1066. De Top. CP., ii. c. xv.
1067. Notitia, ad Reg. III.; Nicetas Chon., p. 585; Leo Diaconus, v. pp. 83, 84.
1068. Page 135. Cf. Cedrenus, vol. i. p. 685.
1069. Pages 284, 564, Εἰς τὸν Ἰουλιανοῦ τῆς Σοφίας λεγόμενον λιμένα: ἐν τῷ Ἰουλιανισίῳ λιμένι τῆς Σοφίας.
1070. Page 700.
1071. Fragm. Hist. Græc., v. p. 38.
1072. Cedrenus, vol. i. p. 712.
1073. Paschal Chron., pp. 622, 700; Theophanes, pp. 284, 364, 564.
1074. Leo Gramm., p. 135; Theophanes, p. 564.
1075. Notitia ad Reg. III.; Leo Diaconus, v. pp. 83, 84.
1076. Zosimus, p. 139; Evagrius, ii. c. xiii.; Cedrenus, vol. i. p. 611.
1077. Zonaras, xiv. c. i. p. 1205.
1078. Zosimus, pp. 139, 140.
1079. Zosimus, ut supra.
1080. Malalas, p. 479.
1081. See Epistle 58.
1082. Marcellinus Comes, “Portus Juliani, undis suis rotalibus exhaustus cœno effoso purgatus est;” Suidas, ad Anastasium.
1083. The plural form of the name (τῶν Σοφιῶν) may allude to the two divisions of the harbour. See Mordtmann, p. 55: “La configuration actuelle permet encore de distinguer un port intérieur et un port extérieur, séparés par une étroite digne.”
1084. Leo Gramm., p. 135; Anonymus, iii. p. 45.
1085. Anonymus, ii. p. 30.
1086. Menæa, January 27. This point was known also as ἐν τῷ μούλῳ τοῦ ἁγίου Θωμᾶ (Theophanes, p. 673).
1087. Paschal Chron., p. 622.
1088. Ibid., p. 700.
1089. Ibid., ut supra.
1090. Theophanes, p. 564.
1091. Evagrius, ii. c. xiii.
1092. Nicetas Chon., p. 733.
1093. Leo Diaconus, v. pp. 83, 84.
1094. Nicetas Chon., p. 585.
1095. Procopius, De Æd., i. c. iv.
1096. Theophanes, p. 385.
1097. Anonymus, iii. p. 46.
1098. Codinus, p. 105.
1099. Nicetas Chon., p. 733; Michael Psellus (Sathas, Bibl. Græc. Med. Ævi., vol. v. p. 214).
1100. Lib. iii. p. 45.
1101. Lib. ii. p. 34.
1102. Pachymeres, vol. i. pp. 365, 366.
1103. See below, p. 295, note 5.
1104. Itinéraires Russes en Orient, pp. 120, 121.
1105. Leunclavius, Pand. Hist. Turc., s. 200, is the first writer after the Conquest who refers to it: “Ipsa porta (i.e. Contoscalion) velut intra sinum quemdam abscedit versus unbem, et ab altera parte proximum sibi portum habet, pro triremibus, in mare se porrigentem et muris circumdatum.” The silence of Gyllius regarding the Kontoscalion is strange, unless he has confounded it with Kadriga Limani.
1106. Vol. i. p. 365.
1107. Liber Insularum Archipelagi, p. 121. “Propinqua huic (Vlanga) Condoscali vel Arsena restat.”
1108. Lib. xvii. p. 854. Cf. Cantacuzene, iv. pp. 72, 74.
1109. In a copy of the Anonymus, Codex Colbertinus, made in the thirteenth century, the copyist, under the heading Περὶ τὸν Σοφιανῶν λιμένα, adds the note that the harbour εἰς τὸ Κοντοσκάλον was constructed by Justin, and had been deepened and surrounded by a remarkable enclosure in his own day by Andronicus Comnenus Palæologus. See Banduri, Imperium Orientale, vol. ii. pp. 678-680. The copyist is at fault in identifying the Harbour of Sophia with the Kontoscalion, which was a historical question, but he may be trusted in regard to the restoration of the Kontoscalion, which was a contemporary event.
1110. Vol. i. p. 365.
1111. See below, pp. 312, 313.
1112. Ad Reg. XII.
1113. Anonymus, iii. p. 46.
1114. Ibid., p. 47.
1115. Lib. iii. p. 46; cf. ibid., p. 45.
1116. Anonymus, iii. p. 46.
1117. Anonymus, iii. p. 46.
1118. From Broken Bits of Byzantium. (By kind permission of Mrs. Walker.)
1119. Lib. iii. p. 46.
1120. Gyllius, De Top. CP., iii. c. viii.; iv. c. viii. According to this authority the circuit of the harbour was over a mile; the mole being 600 paces long and 12 feet broad.
1121. Gyllius, ut supra. “Cujus ostium vergebat ad solis ortum æstivum, a quo moles extendebatur ad occasum æstivum, supra quam nunc muri adstricti existunt.”
“In faucibus portus, adhuc navium capacibus, extra murum urbis, etiamnum videtur turris undique mari circumdata, et saxa, reliquæ ruinarum.”
Grelot, in his Relation Nouvelle d’un Voyage de Constantinople, pp. 79, 80, refers to the tower thus (to quote the quaint English translation of his work by J. Philips, London, 1683, p. 68): “Going by sea from the Seven Towers to the Seraglio, you meet with a square tower upon the left hand, that stands in the sea, distant from the city wall about twenty paces. The inhabitants of the country call it Belisarius Tower, affirming that it was in this tower where that great and famous commander, for the recompense of all those signal services which he had done the Emperor Justinian, in subduing his enemies, as well in Asia and Africa as in Europe, being despoyled of all his estate and honour, and reduced to the extremity of necessity, after he had endured putting out both his eyes, was at length shut up and forced for his subsistence to hang out a bag from the grate of his chamber, and cry to the passengers, ‘Give poor Belisarius a farthing, whom envy and no crime has deprived of his eyes.’ Near to the place where stands this tower was formerly the harbour where Theodosius, Arcadius, and their successors kept their galleys.”
1122. From Broken Bits of Byzantium. (By kind permission of Mrs. Walker.)
1123. Nicetas Chon., p. 733.
1124. Nicetas Chon., p. 170.
1125. Pachymeres, vol. i. p. 365; Actus Patriarchatus Constantinopolitani, year 1400, p. 394, where a vivid description of the site of the old harbour is given: Κῆπος περὶ τὸν Βλάγκαν, ἔξω που καὶ σύνεγγυς τοῦ τείχους τῆς πόλεως.
1126. Anonymus, iii. p. 47; Theophanes, p. 723.
1127. Guillelmus Bibliothecarius.
1128. Anonymus, iii. p. 47.
1129. Ibid. p. 48.
1130. Constant. Porphyr., De Cer., p. 560.
1131. Page 59.
1132. Ducas, p. 283.
1133. Ibid., ut supra.
1134. Constant. Porphyr., De Cer., pp. 438, 499, 504.
1135. Ducas, pp. 268, 269. The principal part of the engagement took place off the entrance to the Bosporus; for Leonard of Scio (p. 931) says that the Sultan viewed the contest from the hill of Pera; “ex Colle Perensi, fortunæ expectans eventum.”
1136. Act II.
1137. Vol. i. p. 679.
1138. Page 364.
1139. Ibid., ut supra.
1140. Ibid., ut supra.
1141. Du Cange, Constantinopolis Christiana, ii. p. 169.
1142. John of Antioch, Fragm. Hist. Græc., vol. v. p. 38. Ἐπιτρέπει φυλάττεσθαι ἐκ τῶν Πρασίνων τὸν λιμένα τοῦ Καισαρείου καὶ τὸν Σοφίας, τοὺς δὲ Βενετοὺς τὰ ἐπὶ Ὁρμίσδου. Cf. Paschal Chron., p. 700.
1143. Theophanes, p. 541, who uses the expression, Ἐν τῷ Προκλιανισίῳ τῷ Καισαρίου λιμένι. What does Προκλιανισίῳ mean?
1144. Theophanes Cont., p. 324; Synaxaria, May 7, July 21.
1145. Lib. iv. pp. 165, 212, 220, 284.
1146. Ibid., p. 165.
1147. Ibid., p. 290.
1148. Constantinopolis Christiana, i. p. 56.
1149. Ibid., iv. p. 118.
1150. Itinéraires Russes en Orient, p. 106. Immediately after speaking of the Church of St. Acacius, he proceeds to say, “Au pied de la montagne, se trouve l’eglise des saints Serge et Bacchus.” In the Latin version given in Riant’s Exuviæ CP., ii. pp. 228, 229, the passage is rendered, “Ex altera parte monticuli posita est Ecclesia SS. Sergii et Bacchi.”
1151. Cantacuzene, iv. pp. 218-234.
1152. Ibid., p. 220.
1153. But for the statement of Nicephorus Gregoras (xxvi. p. 87), one would suppose that the scene of this amphibious struggle was among the reefs and shoals off the shore between Kadikeui and Scutari. But Nicephorus says explicitly that the conflict took place off the Diplokionion (Beshiktash), ὅπη κίονες διπλοῖ σχῆμα τάφου τινὸς ἀνέχοντες ἵστανται. According to Gyllius, the sea off the shore between Beshiktash and Galata was in his day shallow and full of rocks. De Bosporo Thracio, ii. c. 8, “Alluitur mari vadoso, crebris petris supra aquam eminentibus inculcato.” The Turkish names of two points on this shore, Beshiktash, Cabatash, refer to these rocks.
1154. Lib. xxvi. pp. 85-92.
1155. Ibid., pp. 86, 90; cf. Cantacuzene, iv. p. 220.
1156. Lib. xiv. p. 711; cf. Theophanes Cont., p. 614.
1157. Lib. ix. p. 460.
1158. Lib. xxvi. p. 87.
1159. Lib. xxvi. p. 87.
1160. Ibid., p. 90.
1161. Fragm. Hist. Græc., iv. p. 38.
1162. Anonymus, iii. p. 46.
1163. Fragm. Hist. Græc., iv. p. 38; Theophanes, p. 541.
1165. Theophanes, p. 364.
1166. Actus Patriarchatus Constantinopolitani, year 1400, p. 394; Bondelmontius, “In quibus mœnibus est campus ab extra, et olim portus Vlanga.” See above, p. 300, ref. 1.
1167. The indications for the site of the Church of St. Acacius are: (1) It was ἐν Ἑπτασκάλω (Anonymus, ii. p. 33); (2) near the Church of St. Metrophanes (Synaxaria, June 4; Itinéraires Russes en Orient, p. 106); (3) near the Residence of Moselè (Μωσηλὲ), and the monument named the Christocamaron (Χριστοκάμαρον), after a gilt Icon of Christ upon it (Anonymus, ii. p. 38). (4) The Christocamaron, it is supposed, was the same as the Chrysocamaron (Χρυσοκάμαρον: Anonymus, iii. p. 48). Supporters of that identity are Banduri (Imp. Orient., ii. p. 688) and Dr. Mordtmann (p. 59). (5) The Chrysocamaron stood to the rear of the Myrelaion (Anonymus, iii. p. 48). (6) The Myrelaion was the church, now the Mosque Boudroum Djamissi (Gyllius, De Top. CP., iii. c. 8; Patriarch Constantius, Ancient and Modern Consple., p. 75). (7) Therefore, the Church of St. Acacius was situated to the rear, or to the east of Boudroum Djamissi. There are two weak points in this chain of arguments; Codinus (pp. 107, 108) distinguishes the two monuments which are identified above, and speaks of two places in Constantinople that were named Myrelaion.
1168. He refers to the Kontoscalion in the Fourth Book of his work, pp. 72, 74; and to the Neorion at the Heptascalon in the same Book, pp. 165, 212, 220, 284.
1169. Codinus, p. 72.
1170. Cantacuzene, iv. p. 165.
1171. Ibid., p. 290. Taken in conjunction with the other arguments on the subject, the epithet New, bestowed upon the Neorion at the Heptascalon, implied not only that the harbour was no longer its old self, but, also, that it was to be distinguished from another and earlier Neorion. But the only other conspicuous Neorion during the reign of Cantacuzene was the Kontoscalion.
1172. Lib. xvii. p. 854: Ἐς τὸ περὶ τὸν τοῦ Βυζαντίου ἱππόδρομον νεώριον. Cf. Cantacuzene, iv. p. 72.
1173. Lib. xxvi. p. 90.
1174. Unger (Quellen der Byzantinischen Kunstgeschichte, p. 264), without discussing the question at length, holds, as the result of his study of the texts, that the Kontoscalion cannot be identified with either the Harbour of Sophia or the Heptascalon. Scarlatus Byzantius (Ἡ Κωνσταντινούπολις, vol. i. pp. 268, 277) also maintains that the three names designated different harbours.
1175. Συγγραφαὶ Ἐλάσσονες, pp. 443, 444. He was not patriarch at the time.
1176. For the following information I am indebted to the Rev. H. O. Dwight, LL.D., who knew the quarter of Yeni Kapou in 1854, and was for many years a resident there.
1177. It is still standing.
1179. Ut supra.
1180. Pachymeres, vol. i. p. 365, Τὸ πρὸς τὸν Βλάγκα Κοντοσκέλιον.
1181. Librum Insularum Archipelago, p. 121.
1182. Vol. i. p. 365.
1184. A station, eleven miles from Turin, on the line of railway between that city and Milan, viâ Vercelli, retains in its name, Settimo, the reminiscence of its ancient designation, ad Septimum.
1185. In his annotations to Ammianus Marcellinus. The arguments of Valesius were unknown to me when I adopted the correct view on the subject. It was startling to find, afterwards, that the truth had been established so long ago by substantially the same evidence as convinced my own mind, and that truth so well established had been ignored. My reasons for dissenting from the views of Gyllius and Du Cange were first published in the Levant Herald, April 12, 1891.
1186. Pages 113, 114.
1187. Un Empereur Byzantin au Dixième Siècle, p. 299.
1188. See De Top. CP., iv. c. i. iv.
1189. Sozomon, vii. c. xxiv., Λέγεται δὲ τότε τῆς Κωνσταντινουπόλεως ἐκδημῶν, πρὸς τῷ Ἑβδόμῳ μιλίῳ γενόμενος, προσεύξασθαι τῷ θεῷ ἐη τῇ ἐνθάδε ἐκκλησίᾳ, ἥν ἐπὶ τιμῇ Ἰωάννου τοῦ Βαπτιστοῦ ἐδείματο.
1193. Constantinopolis Christiana, ii. pp. 172-174; and the “Excursus on the Hebdomon,” appended to the edition of his great work published at Venice.
1194. Theophanes Cont., p. 340.
1195. Gyllius refers to Tekfour Serai under the name of the Palace of Constantine, and recognizes the existence of a Palace of the Magnaura at the Hebdomon; but he neither identifies the two palaces, nor points to Tekfour Serai as an indication of the site of the Hebdomon.
1196. Theophylactus Simocat., p. 339. What the historian says is, Τὸ πεδίον τὸ ἀνακείμενον ἐν τῷ λεγομένῳ Ἑβδόμῳ, ὅν Κάμπον Ῥωμαῖοι κατονομάζουσι.
1197. Nicephorus, Patriarcha CP., pp. 15, 16, Καὶ πρὸς τὸ τῆς πόλεως ὅ Ἕβδομον καλοῦσι καταλαβόντες ἱδρύσαντο. What the enemy did was to halt at the Hebdomon before advancing against the city.
1199. Page 333; cf. Ibid., p. 236, where the distance of the Hebdomon from the city is said to be one parasang and a half. Zosimus (p. 271) gives the distance as forty stadia.
1200. Cf. Paschal Chron., pp. 556, 562.
1201. Lib. vii. c. xxiv. See quotation of the passage on p. 318, ref. 1.
1202. Lib. vi. c. vi., Ἀπέχει καὶ τοῦτο ἑπτὰ σημείοις τῆς πόλεως.
1203. Fragm. Hist. Græc., iv. p. 611, Ὅς ζ᾽ σημείοις τῆς πόλεως ἀφειστήκει.
1204. Lib. vi. c. xii., Ἀπέχει καὶ τοῦτο ἑπτὰ σημείοις τῆς πόλεως.
1205. Vol. i. p. 641, Εἰς τὸ πρὸ τῆς πόλεως πεδίοv ἑπτὰ σημείοις ἀπέχον.
1206. Procopius, De Æd., i. c. xi.
1207. Lib. xxii., De Sacros Eccl.
1208. Socrates, vi. c. xii.; Sozomon, vii. c. xiv.
1209. John of Antioch, Fragm. Hist. Græc., v. p. 38; cf. Paschal Chron., pp. 699, 700.
1210. Page 541. Speaking of the same event, the Patriarch Nicephorus (p. 36) describes the Hebdomon as παραθαλάσσιον τόπον. In regard to the situation of the Hebdomon upon the sea, compare Synaxaria, September 2, the Festival of St. John the Faster, Patriarch of Constantinople.
1211. Theophanes, p. 608, Ἀπάραντες ἐκεῖθεν παρέπλευσαν τὴν πόλιν.
1212. Anastasius Bibliothecarius, De Vitis Pontificum Roman, p. 56. Paris, 1649.
1213. Constantinopolis Christiana, i. p. 45. See above, p. 70, ref. 1.
1214. Theophanes, p. 541.
1215. Page 541.
1216. Guillelmus Biblioth. in Hadriano II.
1217. Fragm. Hist. Græc., v. p. 38.
1218. Page 699.
1219. Procopius, De Æd., iv. c. viii.
1220. Ibid., ut supra.
1221. Paschal Chron., p. 622.
1222. Theophanes, p. 693.
1223. Page 458, Τὸ καστέλλιν τῶν Θεοδοσιανῶν ἐν τῷ Ἑβδόμῳ.
1224. Notitia Dignitatum, pp. 12, 14, 16, etc. Edition of Otto Seeck. Du Cange thinks the Castle of the Theodosiani was the Castellion built by Tiberius to protect his fleet against the Bulgarians (see Anonymus, iii. p. 57; Codinus, p. 115).
1225. Sozomon, vii. c. xxiv. There, probably, Julian encamped the army with which he advanced from Gaul to Constantinople (Zosimus, p. 139).
1226. Zosimus, pp. 255, 256.
1227. Ibid., pp. 272, 273.
1228. Marcellinus Comes, in 513.
1229. Theophanes, pp. 446, 447; Theophylactus Simocat., p. 339.
1230. Theophanes, p. 784.
1231. Nicephorus, Patriarcha CP., pp. 15, 16; Theophanes Cont., p. 385.
1232. Constant. Porphyr., De Cer., pp. 414, 416.
1233. Theophanes, p. 458.
1234. Theophanes Cont., p. 379.
1235. Paschal Chron., p. 586; Theophanes, pp. 143, 144; Cedrenus, vol. i. p. 641; Paschal Chron., p. 702.
1236. Theophanes, p. 169.
1237. Paschal Chron., p. 589; Theophanes, p. 355. The Greek Church still commemorates seven of the earthquakes which shook the city during the Byzantine period.
1238. Theophanes, p. 458.
1239. Theophylactus Simocat., p. 339.
1240. Ammianus Marcellinus, xxvi. c. iv.; cf. Themistius, as cited below; Paschal Chron. p. 556.
1241. Themistius, Oratio VI., p. 99. Edit. Dindorf.
1242. Paschal Chron., p. 562. The Campus is sometimes styled the Campus of the Tribunal, as for example by Cedrenus, vol. i. p. 707: ἐν τῷ Κάμπῳ τοῦ Τριβουναλίου.
1243. Themistius, Oratio VI., p. 99. Edit. Dindorf.
1244. Paschal Chron., p. 562.
1245. Marcellinus Comes.
1246. Paschal Chron., p. 568.
1247. Ibid., p. 590.
1248. Ibid., p. 592.
1249. Victor Tunnensis.
1250. Cedrenus, vol. i. p. 615.
1251. Theophanes, p. 388.
1252. Ibid., p. 447.
1253. Ibid., p. 784.
1254. Constant. Porphyr., De Cer., p. 438.
1255. The Coronation of Leo the Great in 475, and that of Nicephorus Phocas in 963. See Constant. Porphyr., De Cer., pp. 410-417, 433-440.
1256. The soldiers spoke in Latin at the Coronation of Anastasius I. in the Hippodrome. See Constant. Porphyr., De Cer., p. 431. Probably that was the rule.
1257. In older times the emperor was raised upon a shield at this point of the proceedings. E.g. Julian (Ammianus Marcell. xx. 4); Arcadius, Valens (Idatius Fasti Consulares); Theodosius II. (Paschal Chron., p. 568); Marcian (Paschal Chron., p. 590).
1258. Near the Forum of Arcadius, on the Seventh Hill.
1259. In the case of Phocas, for manifest reasons, the coronation by the patriarch took place in the Church of St. John the Baptist at the Hebdomon.
So also in the case of Zeno, according to Victor Tunnensis, as quoted by Du Cange, ii. p. 173. “Zeno a Leone Augusto filio in Septimo contra consuetudinem coronatur.”
1260. Constant. Porphyr., De Cer., p. 498.
1261. The case of Basil I. is not given by Constantine Porphyrogenitus as exceptional, and may be considered as exemplifying the rule.
1262. Constant. Porphyr., De Cer., pp. 498-503.
1263. Rufinus, De Vitis Patrum, iii., n. 19. “Fuit quidam nuper monachus in Constantinopoli, temporibus Theodosii imperatoris. Habitabat autem in parva cella foris civitatem prope proastium, qui vocatur in Septimo, ubi solent imperatores, egressi de civitate, libenter degere.”
1264. De Sacro Eccl., Lex. 22. “Recitata septimo milliario inclytæ civitatis, in Novo Consistorio Palatii Justiniani;” cf. Novella, 118.
1265. Procopius, De Æd., i. c. xi. The name appears, also, under the form Secundianas: “In Septimo, in palatio quod dicitur Secundianas” (Pope Gregory the Great, lib. ii. epist. 1; see Du Cange, lii. p. 141; cf. Malalas, p. 486).
1266. Lydus, p. 229. The column was overthrown by an earthquake in 577, and sank eight feet into the ground (Theophanes, p. 358).
1267. Procopius, ut supra; Theophanes, p. 353.
1268. Theophanes, pp. 541, 608.
1269. See Labarte, Le Palais Impérial de Consple., pp. 185-195. It was a hall in the form of a basilica, divided in three aisles by two rows of six columns, with an apse at the eastern end, where the emperor’s throne stood on a platform. In it foreign princes and ambassadors were received, and there meetings of the great dignitaries of the State were held.
1270. Theophanes, p. 152.
1271. Symeon Metaphrastes, Life of Daniel Stylites, p. 1025. Patrol. Græca, Migne.
1272. Procopius, De Æd., i. c. xi.
1273. Theophanes, p. 351.
1274. Eustachius, Vita Eutychii Patriarchæ, as quoted by Du Cange, Constantinopolis Christiana, iv. p. 177.
1275. Paschal Chron., p. 690.
1276. Anonymus, iii. p. 56.
1277. Socrates, vi. c. vi.
1278. Theophanes Cont., p. 340.
1279. Guillelmus Biblioth. in Hadriano PP.
1280. Anna Comn., p. 149.
1281. Cinnamus, pp. 176, 177.
1282. Pachymeres, vol. i. pp. 124, 125. The epitaph is given by Banduri, Imp. Orient., vol. ii. vii. p. 179. It mentions the Hebdomon:
ΙΣΤΙΜΙ ΤΥΜΒΟΝ ΕΝ ΜΕΣΩ ΓΗΣ ΕΒΔΟΜΟΥ
1283. Paschal Chron., p. 570.
1284. Jerome, Adversus Vigilantium, c. ii. Quoted by Du Cange, iv. p. 105.
1285. Paschal Chron., pp. 569, 570.
1286. Theophanes, p. 357.
1287. Socrates, vi. c. vi.
1288. Anonymus, iii. p. 56.
1289. Sozomon, vii. c. xxi.
1290. Ibid., vii. c. xxiv.
1291. Ibid., viii. c. iv.
1292. Socrates, vi. c. xii.
1293. Constant. Porphyr., De Cer., pp. 413, 499.
1294. Procopius, De Æd., i. c. viii.
1295. Theophanes Cont., p. 340. The wealthy monastery at the Hebdomon, mentioned in history, was probably attached to this church (John Scylitzes, in Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 714).
1296. Procopius, De Æd., i. c. iv.
1297. Ibid., c. ix.
1298. Menæa, 29 July, πλησίον τῶν παλατίων τοῦ Ἑβδόμου.
1299. Constant. Porphyr., De Cer., p. 496.
1300. Ibid., ut supra.
1301. Anastasius Biblioth. in Hormisda PP.
1302. Guillelmus Biblioth. in Hadriano PP.
1303. Theophylactus Simocat., pp. 236, 237.
1304. Theophanes Cont., pp. 906, 907.
1305. Synaxaria, 26 October.
1306. For a description of the wall, see Evagrius, iii. c. 38; Procopius, De Æd., iv. c. ix.
1307. Theophanes, p. 361.
1308. Agathias, p. 305.
1309. Theophanes, p. 360.
1310. Theophanes, p. 362; Procopius, De Æd., iv. c. ix.
1311. Theophanes, p. 361.
1312. Cedrenus, vol. i. p. 692.
1313. Paschal Chron., 712.
1314. Colonel F. V. Greene, United States Army, in his work, The Russian Army and its Campaigns in Turkey in 1877-78, p. 362.
1315. Agathias, p. 305; Procopius, ut supra.
1316. Theophanes, p. 460.