[B.C. 65]

Afranius, returning through Mesopotamia to Syria, contrary to the agreement made with the Parthian, wandered from the way and endured much evil by reason of the winter and lack of supplies. Indeed, he would have perished, had not Carraeans, colonists of the Macedonians who dwelt somewhere in that vicinity, supported him and helped him forward.

[-6-] This was the treatment that Pompey[13]out of the fullness of his power accorded Phraates, thereby indicating very clearly to those desiring personal profit that everything depends on armed force, and he who is victorious by its aid wins inevitably the right to lay down what laws he pleases. Furthermore, he did violence to the title of that ruler, in which Phraates delighted before all the world and before the Romans themselves, and by which the latter had always addressed him. For whereas he was called "king of kings," Pompey clipped off the phrase "of kings" and wrote "to the king," with merely that direction, in spite of the fact that he had given this title to the captive Tigranes even contrary to their custom when he celebrated the triumph over him in Rome. Phraates, consequently, although he feared and was subservient to him, was vexed at this, feeling that he had been deprived of the kingdom; and he sent ambassadors, reproaching him with all the injustice he had done, and forbade him to cross the Euphrates.

[-7-] As Pompey made no reasonable reply, the other immediately instituted a campaign in the spring against Tigranes, being accompanied by the latter's son, to whom he had given his daughter in marriage. This was in the consulship Of Lucius Caesar and Gaius Figulus.

[B.C. 64 (a.u. 690)]

In the first battle Phraates was beaten, but later was victorious in his turn. And when Tigranes invoked the assistance of Pompey, who was in Syria, he sent ambassadors to the Roman commander, making many accusations and throwing out numerous hints against the Romans, so that Pompey was both ashamed and alarmed. As a result the latter lent no aid to Tigranes and took no hostile measures against Phraates, giving as an excuse that no such expedition had been assigned to him and that Mithridates was still in arms. He declared himself satisfied with what had been effected and said that he feared in striving for additional results he might meet with reverses, as had Lucullus.

Such was the trend of his philosophy: he maintained that to make personal gains was outrageous and to aim at the possessions of others unjust, as soon as he was no longer able to use them. Through dread of the forces of the Parthian, therefore, and fear of the unsettled state of affairs he did not take up this war in spite of many solicitations. As for the barbarians' complaints, he disparaged them, offering no counter-argument, but asserting that the dispute which the prince had with Tigranes concerned some boundaries, and that three men should decide the case for them. These he actually sent, and they were enrolled as arbitrators by the two kings, who then settled all their mutual complaints. For Tigranes was angry at not having obtained assistance, and Phraates wished the Armenian ruler to survive, so that in case of need he might some day have him as an ally against the Romans. They both understood well that whichever of them should conquer the other would simply help on matters for the Romans and would himself become easier for them to subdue. For these reasons, then, they were reconciled.

Pompey passed the winter in Aspis, winning over the sections that were still resisting, and took Symphorion,[14] a fort which Stratonice betrayed to him. She was the wife of Mithridates, and in anger toward him because she had been abandoned sent the garrison out pretendedly to collect supplies and let the Romans in, although her child was with … [15] …

[B.C. 65 (a.u. 689)]

[-8-] … [not (?)] for this alone in his aedileship he (C. Jul. Caesar) received praise, but because he had also conducted both the Roman and the Megalesian games on the most expensive scale and had further arranged contests of gladiators in the most magnificent manner. Of the sums expended on them a portion was raised by him in conjunction with his colleague Marcus Bibulus, but another portion by him privately; and his individual expenditure on the spectacles so much surpassed, that he appropriated to himself the glory for them, and was thought to have taken the whole cost on himself. Even Bibulus joked about it saying that he had suffered the same fate as Pollux: for, although that hero possessed a temple in common with his brother Castor, it was named only for the latter.

[-9-] All this contributed to the Romans' joy, but they were quite disturbed at the portents of that year. On the Capitol many statues were melted by thunderbolts, among other images one of Jupiter, set upon a pillar, and a likeness of the she-wolf with Romulus and Remus, mounted on a pedestal, fell down; also the letters of the tablets on which the laws were inscribed ran together and became indistinct. Accordingly, on the advice of the soothsayers, they offered many expiatory sacrifices and voted that a larger statue of Jupiter should be set up, looking toward the east and the Forum, in order that the conspiracies by which they were distraught might dissolve.

Such were the occurrences of that year. The censors also became involved in a dispute regarding the dwellers beyond the Po: one thought it wise to admit them to citizenship, and another not; so they did not perform any of their duties, but resigned their office. Their successors, too, did nothing in the following year, for the reason that the tribunes hindered them in regard to the list of the senate, in fear lest they themselves should be dropped from that assembly. Meantime all those who were resident aliens in Rome, except those who dwelt in what is now Italy, were banished on the motion of one Gaius Papius, a tribune, because they were getting to be in the majority and were not thought fit persons to dwell among the citizens.

[B.C. 64(a.u. 690)]

[-10-] In the ensuing year, with Figulus and Lucius Caesar in office, notable events were few, but worthy of remembrance in view of the contradictions in human affairs. For the man[16] who had slain Lucretius at the instance of Sulla and another[17] who had murdered many of the persons proscribed by him were tried for the slaughter and punished,—Julius Caesar being most instrumental in bringing this about. Thus the changes of affairs often render those once thoroughly powerful exceedingly weak. But though this matter went contrary to the expectation of the majority, they were equally surprised that Catiline, who had incurred guilt on those same grounds (for he, too, had put out of the way many similar persons), was acquitted. The result was that he became far worse and for that reason also perished.

[B.C. 63 (a.u. 691)]

For, when Marcus Cicero was consul with Gaius Antonius, and Mithridates no longer inflicted any injury upon the Romans but had destroyed his own self, Catiline undertook to set up a new government, and by banding together the allies against the state threw the people into fear of a mighty conflict. Now each of these occurrences came about as follows.

[-11-] Mithridates himself did not give way under his disasters, but trusting more in his will than in his power, especially while Pompey was lingering in Syria, planned to reach the Ister through Scythia, and from that point to invade Italy. As he was by nature given to great projects and had experienced many failures and many successes, he regarded nothing as beyond his ability to venture or to hope. If he missed he preferred to perish conjointly with his kingdom, with pride unblemished, rather than to live deprived of it in inglorious humility. On this idea he grew strong. For in proportion as he wasted away through weakness of body, the more steadfast did he grow in strength of mind, so that he even revived the infirmity of the former by the reasonings of the latter.

The rest who were his associates, as the position of the Romans kept getting always more secure and that of Mithridates weaker,—among other things the greatest earthquake that had ever occurred destroyed many of their cities—became estranged; the military also mutinied and unknown persons kidnapped some of his children, whom they conveyed to Pompey.

[-12-] Thereupon he detected and punished some; others he chastised from mere suspicion: no one could any longer trust him; of his remaining children, even, he put to death one of whom he grew suspicious. Seeing this, one of his sons, Pharnaces, impelled at once by fear of the king and an expectation that he would get the kingdom from the Romans, being now of man's estate, plotted against him. He was detected, for many both openly and secretly meddled constantly with all he was doing; and if the body-guard had had even the slightest good will toward their aged sovereign, the conspirator would immediately have met his just deserts. As it was, Mithridates, who had proved himself most wise in all matters pertaining to a king, did not recognize the fact that neither arms nor multitude of subjects are of value to any one, without friendship on the part of the people; nay, the more dependents a person has (unless he holds them faithful to him) the greater burden they are to him. At any rate Pharnaces, followed both by the men he had made ready in advance, and by those whom his father had sent to arrest him (and these he very easily made his own) hastened straight on against the father himself. The old king was in Panticapaeum when he learned this, and sent ahead some soldiers against his son, saying that he himself would soon follow them. These also Pharnaces quickly diverted from their purpose, inasmuch as they did not love Mithridates either, and after receiving the voluntary submission of the city, put to death his father, who had fled for refuge into the palace.

[-13-] The latter had tried to make way with himself, and after removing beforehand by poison his wives and remaining children, he had swallowed what was left to the last drop. Neither by that means nor by the sword was he able to induce death with his own hands. For the poison, although deadly, did not prevail over him, since he had inured his constitution to it, taking every day precautionary antidotes in large doses: and the force of the sword blow was lessened on account of the weakness of his hand, caused by his age and the interference of those around him, and on account of the effect of the poison, of whatever sort it was. When, therefore, he failed to pour out his life through his own efforts and seemed to linger beyond the proper time, those whom he had sent against his son fell upon him and hastened his end with swords and spear points. Mithridates, who had experienced the most varied and tremendous fortune, found the close of his life equally far from being simple. He desired to die against his will, and though anxious to kill himself was not able; but first by poison and then by the sword at once became a suicide and was slain by his foes.

[-14-] Pharnaces embalmed his body and sent it to Pompey as a proof of what had been done, and surrendered himself and his dominions. The Roman showed Mithridates no indignity, on the contrary commanding that he be buried among the graves of his ancestors; for, feeling that his hostility had been extinguished with his life, he indulged in no vain anger against the dead body. The kingdom of Bosporus, however, he granted to Pharnaces as the wages of his bloody deed, and enrolled him among his friends and allies.

After the death of Mithridates all portions of his dominions, except a few, were subjugated. Garrisons which at that date were still holding a few fortifications outside of Bosporus, did not immediately come to terms,—not so much because they were minded to resist him as because they were afraid that some persons might confiscate beforehand the money which they were guarding and lay the blame upon them: hence they waited, wishing to exhibit everything to Pompey himself.[-15-] When, then, the regions in that quarter had been subdued, and Phraates remained quiet, while Syria and Phoenicia were in a state of calm, the conqueror turned against Aretas. The latter was king of the Arabians, now slaves to the Romans as far as the Red Sea. Previously he had done the greatest injury to Syria and had on this account become involved in a battle with the Romans who were defending it: he was defeated by them, but nevertheless continued hostile at that time. Upon him and his neighbors Pompey made a descent, overcame them without effort, and handed them over to a garrison. Thence he proceeded against Palestine, in Syria, because its inhabitants were harming Phoenicia. Their rulers were two brothers, Hyrcanus and Aristobulus, who[18] were themselves quarreling, as it chanced, and stirring up the cities concerning the priesthood (for so they called their kingdom) of their God, whoever he is.

Pompey immediately brought to his side without a battle Hyrcanus, who had no force worthy of note, and by confining Aristobulus in a certain spot compelled him to come to terms. And when he would surrender neither money nor garrison,[19] Pompey threw him into prison. After this he more easily overcame the rest, but in the siege of Jerusalem found trouble. [-16-]Most of the city he took without exertion, as he was received by the party of Hyrcanus, but the temple itself, which the others had occupied in advance, he did not capture without labor. It was on high ground and strengthened by its own defences, and if they had continued defending it on all days alike, he could not have got possession of it. As it was, they made an exception of what were called the days of Saturn,[20] and by doing no work at all on them offered the Romans an opportunity in this vacant interval to batter down the wall. The latter on learning this superstition of theirs, made no serious attempt the rest of the time, but on those days, when they came around in succession, assaulted most vigorously. Thus the holders were captured on the day of Saturn, making no defence, and all the money was plundered. The kingdom was given to Hyrcanus, and Aristobulus was carried back to Rome.

This was the course of events at that time in Palestine. That is the name that has been applied from of old to the whole race, which extends from Phoenicia to Egypt along the inner sea. They have also another name that has been acquired,—i.e., the country has been called Judaea, and the people themselves Jews. [-17-]I do not know from what source this title was first given them, but it applies also to all the rest of mankind, although of foreign race, who cherish their customs. This nation exists among the Romans also, and though often diminished has increased to a very great extent and has won its way to the right of freedom in its observances. They are distinguished from the rest of mankind in every detail of life, so to speak, and especially by the fact that they do not honor any of the usual gods, but reverence mightily one particular divinity. They never had any statue in Jerusalem itself, but believing him to be inexpressible, invisible, they worship him in the most extravagant fashion on earth. They built to him a temple that was extremely large and beautiful, except in so far as it was void and roofless, and dedicated the day called the day of Saturn, on which, among many other most peculiar actions, they undertake no serious occupation.

Now as for him, who he is and why he has been so honored, and how they got their superstition about accounts have been given by many, no one of which pertains to this history.

[-18-] The custom of referring the days to the seven stars called planets was established by the Egyptians, but has spread to all men, though it was instituted comparatively not long ago. At any rate the original Greeks in no case understood it, so far as I am aware. But since it is becoming quite habitual to all the rest of mankind and to the Romans themselves, and this is to them already in a way an hereditary possession, I wish to make a few brief statements about it, telling how and in what way it has been so arranged.

I have heard two accounts, in general not difficult of comprehension, and containing some one's theories. If one apply the so-called "principle of the tetrachord" (which is believed to constitute the basis of music) in order to these stars, by which the whole universe of heaven is divided into regular intervals, as each one of them revolves, and beginning at the outer orbit assigned to Saturn, then omitting the next two name the master of the fourth, and after him passing over two others reach the seventh, and in the return cycle approach them by the names of the days, one will find all the days to be in a kind of musical connection with the arrangement of the heavens.

[-19-] This is one of the accounts: the other is as follows. If you begin at the first one to count the hours of the day and of the night, assigning the first to Saturn, the next to Jupiter, the third to Mars, the fourth to Sol,[21] the fifth to Venus, the sixth to Mercury, and the seventh to Luna,[20] according to the order of the cycles the Egyptians observe in their system, and if you repeat the process, covering thus the twenty-four hours, you will find that the first hour of the following day comes to the sun. And if you carry on the operation throughout the next twenty-four hours, by the same method as outlined above, you will consecrate the first hour of the third day to the moon, and if you proceed similarly through the rest, each day will receive the god that appertains to it. This, then, is the tradition.[22]

[-20-] Pompey, when he had accomplished what has been related, went again to the Pontus and after taking charge of the forts returned to Asia and thence to Greece and Italy. He had won many battles; had brought into subjection many potentates and kings, some by going to war with them and some by treaty, he had colonized eight cities, had created many lands and sources of revenue for the Romans, and had established and organized most of the nations in the continent of Asia then belonging to them with their own laws and governments, so that even to this day they use the laws that he laid down.

But although these achievements were great and had been equaled by no earlier Roman, one might ascribe them both to good fortune and to his fellow campaigners. The performance for which credit particularly attaches to Pompey himself, which is forever worthy of admiration, I will now proceed to set forth.

[-21-] He had enormous power both on sea and on land; he had supplied himself with vast sums of money from captives; he had made friends with numerous potentates and kings; and he had kept practically all the communities which he ruled well disposed through benefits bestowed. And although by these means he might have occupied Italy and have taken possession of the whole Roman sway, since the majority would have accepted him voluntarily, and if any had resisted they would certainly have capitulated through weakness, yet he did not choose to do this. Instead, as soon as he had crossed to Brundusium he gave up of his own accord all his powers, without waiting for any vote to be passed concerning the matter by the senate or the people, not troubling himself even about using them in the course of the triumph. For since he understood that the careers of Marius and Sulla were held in abomination by all mankind, he did not wish to cause them any fear even for a few days that they should undergo any similar experiences. Consequently he did not so much as acquire any name from his exploits, although he might have taken many.

As for the triumphal celebration—I mean that one which is considered the chief,—although according to most ancient precedents it is not lawful that it be held without those who aided the victory, he nevertheless accepted it, as it had been voted to him. He conducted the procession in honor of all his wars at once, including in it many trophies beautifully arrayed to represent each of his deeds, even the smallest: and after them all came one huge one, arrayed in costly fashion and bearing an inscription to the effect that it was a World Trophy. He did not, however, add any other title to his name, but was satisfied with that of Magnus only, which, as is known, he had gained even before these achievements. Nor did he get any other extravagant privilege awarded him: only he did use once such as had been voted him in absence. These were that he should wear the laurel wreath on the occasion of all meetings at any time, and should be clad in the robe of office at all of them, as well as in the triumphal garb at the horse-races. They were granted him chiefly through the coöperation of Caesar, and contrary to the judgment of Marcus Cato.

[-22-] Regarding the former a statement has already been made as to who he was, and it has been related[23] that he cultivated the common people, and while generally striving to depose Pompey from his high position, still made a friend of him in cases where he was sure of pleasing the populace and gaining influence himself. But this Cato belonged to the family of the Porcii and emulated the great Cato, except that he had enjoyed a better Greek education than the former. He promoted assiduously the interests of the multitude and admired no one man, being excessively devoted to the common weal; suspicious of sovereignty, he hated everything that had grown above its fellows, but loved everything mediocre through pity for its weakness. He showed himself a passionate adherent of the populace as did no one else, and indulged in outspokenness beyond the limits of propriety, even when it involved danger. All this he did not with a view to power or glory or any honor, but solely for the sake of a life of independence, free from the dictation of tyrants. Such was the nature of the man who now for the first time came forward before the people and opposed the measures under consideration, not out of any hostility to Pompey, but because they transgressed time-honored customs.

[-23-] These honors, then, they granted Pompey in his absence, but none when he had come home, though they would certainly have added others, had he wished it; upon some other men, indeed, who had been less successful than he, they often bestowed many extravagant distinctions. That they did so unwillingly, however, is clear.

Pompey knew well that all the gifts granted by the common people to those who have any influence and are in positions of authority contain the suggestion, no matter how willingly they are voted, of having been granted through force applied out of the resources of the strong. He knew that such honors bring no glory to those who receive them, because it is believed that they were obtained not from willing donors, but under compulsion, and not from good will, but as a result of flattery. Hence he did not permit any one to propose any measure whatever. This course he declared far better than to reject what has been voted to one. The latter method brought hatred for the high position that led to such measures being passed, and connoted arrogance and insolence in not accepting what is granted by your superiors or at all events by your peers. By the former method you possessed in very fact the democratic name and behavior both, not indicated but existent. For having received almost all the offices and positions of command contrary to ancient precedent, he refused to accept all such others as were destined to bring him only envy and hatred even from the very givers, without enabling him to benefit any one or be benefited.

[-24-] All this took place in course of time. Temporarily the Romans had a respite from war for the remainder of the year, so that they even held the so-called augurium salutis after a long interval. This is a kind of augury, which consists of an enquiry whether the god allows them to request welfare for the State, as if it were unholy even to make a request for it until the action received sanction. That day of the year was observed on which no army went out to war, or was taking defensive measures against any, or was fighting a battle. For this reason, amid the constant perils (especially those of a civil nature), it was not held. In general it was very difficult for them to secure exactly the day which should be free from all those disturbances, and furthermore it was most ridiculous, when they were voluntarily causing one another unspeakable woes through factional conflicts and were destined to suffer ills whether they were beaten or victorious, that they should still ask safety from the divine power.

[-25-] Notwithstanding, it was in some way possible at that time for the divination to be held, but it did not prove to be pure. Some strange birds flew up and made the augury of no effect. Other unlucky omens, too, developed. Many thunderbolts fell from a clear sky, the earth was mightily shaken, and human apparitions were visible in many places, and in the West flashes ran up into heaven, so that any one, even an ignorant fellow, was bound to know in advance what was signified by them. For the tribunes united with Antonius, the consul, who was much like themselves in character, and some one of them supported for office the children of those exiled by Sulla, while a second was for granting to Publius Paetus and to Cornelius Sulla, who had been convicted with him, the right to be members of the senate and to hold office. Another made a motion for a cancellation of debts, and for allotments of land to be made both in Italy and in the subject territory. These motions were taken in hand betimes by Cicero and those who were of the same mind as he, and were quashed before any action resulted from them.

[-26-] Titus Labienus, however, by indicting Gaius Rabirius for the murder of Saturninus caused them the greatest disorder. For Saturninus had been killed some thirty-six years earlier, and the steps taken against him by the consuls of the period had been at the direction of the senate: as a result of the present action the senate was likely to lose authority over its votes. Consequently the whole system of government was stirred up. Rabirius did not admit the murder, but denied it. The tribunes were eager to overthrow completely the power and the reputation of the senate and were preparing for themselves in advance authority to do whatever they pleased. For the calling to account of acts that had received the approval of the senate and had been committed so many years before tended to give immunity to those who were undertaking anything similar, and curtailed the punishments they could inflict. Now the senate in general thought it shocking for a man of senatorial rank who was guilty of no crime and now well advanced in years to perish, and were all the more enraged because the dignity of the government was being attacked, and control of affairs was being entrusted to the vilest men.

[-27-] Hence arose turbulent exhibitions of partisanship and contentions about the court, the one party demanding that it should not be convened and the other that it should sit. When the latter party won, because of Caesar and some others, there was strife again regarding the trial. Caesar himself was judge with Lucius Caesar; for the charge against Rabirius was not a simple one, but the so-called _perduellio-:—and they condemned him, although they had not been chosen according to precedent by the people, but by the praetor himself, which was not permitted. Rabirius yielded, and would certainly have been convicted before the popular court also, had not Metellus Celer who was an augur and praetor hindered it. For since nothing else would make them heed him and they were unconcerned that the trial had been held in a manner contrary to custom, he ran up to Janiculum before they had cast any vote whatever, and pulled down the military signal, so that it was no longer lawful for them to reach a decision.

[-28-] Now this matter of the signal is about as follows. In old times there were many enemies dwelling near the city, and the Romans (according to the account) fearing that while they were holding an assembly foes might occupy Janiculum to attack the city decided that not all should vote at once, but that some men under arms should by turns always guard that spot. So they garrisoned it as long as the assembly lasted, but when it was about to be dissolved, the signal was pulled down and the guards departed. Regularly no business was any longer allowed to be transacted unless the post were garrisoned. It was permissible only in the case of assemblies which collected by companies, for these were outside the wall and all who had arms were obliged to attend them. Even to this day it is done from religious grounds.

So on that occasion, when the signal was pulled down, the assembly was dissolved and Rabirius saved. Labienus, indeed, had the right to go to court again, but he did not do this.

[-29-] As for Catiline, his ruin was accomplished in the following way and for the reasons which I shall narrate. He had been seeking the consulship even then, and contriving every conceivable way to get appointed, when the senate decreed, chiefly at the instance of Cicero, that a banishment of ten years should be added by law to the penalties imposed for bribery. Catiline thought, as was doubtless true, that this ruling had been made on his account, and planned, by collecting a small band, to slay Cicero and some other foremost men on the very day of the election, in order that he might immediately be chosen consul. This project he was unable, however, to carry out. Cicero learned of the plot beforehand, informed the senate of it, and delivered a long accusation against him. Being unsuccessful, however, in persuading them to vote any of the measures he asked—this was because his announcement was not regarded as credible and he was suspected of having uttered false charges against the men on account of personal enmity—Cicero became frightened, seeing that he had given Catiline additional provocation, and he did not venture to enter the assembly alone, as had been his custom, but he took his friends along prepared to defend him if any danger threatened; and he wore for his own safety and because of their hostility a breastplate beneath his clothing, which he would purposely uncover. For this reason and because anyway some report had been spread of a plot against him, the populace was furiously angry and the fellow conspirators of Catiline through fear of him became quiet. [-30-] In this way new consuls were chosen, and Catiline no longer directed his plot in secret or against Cicero and his adherents only, but against the whole commonwealth. He assembled from Rome itself the lowest characters and such as were always eager for a revolution and as many as possible of the allies, by promising them cancellation of debts, redistribution of lands, and everything else by which he was most likely to allure them. Upon the foremost and most powerful of them (of whose number was Antonius the consul) he imposed the obligation of taking the oath in an unholy manner. He sacrificed a boy, and after administering the oath over his entrails, tasted the inwards in company with the rest. Those who coöperated with him most were: In Rome, the consul and Publius Lentulus, who, after his consulship, had been expelled from the senate (he was now acting as praetor, in order to gain senatorial rank again); at Faesulae, where the men of his party were collecting, one Gaius Mallius, who was most experienced in military matters (he had served with Sulla's centurions) and the greatest possible spendthrift. Everything that he had gained at that epoch, although a vast sum, he had consumed by evil practices, and was eager for other similar exploits. Afranius, returning through Mesopotamia to Syria, contrary to the agreement made with the Parthian, [B.C. 65] wandered from the way and endured much evil by reason of the winter and lack of supplies. Indeed, he would have perished, had not Carraeans, colonists of the Macedonians who dwelt somewhere in that vicinity, supported him and helped him forward.

[-31-] While they were making these preparations, information came to Cicero, first of what was occurring in the city, through some letters which did not indicate the writer but were given to Crassus and some other influential men. On their publication a decree was passed that a state of disorder existed and that a search should be made for those responsible for it. Next came the news from Etruria, whereupon they voted to the consuls in addition the guardianship of the city and of all its interests, as they had been accustomed to have: for to this decree was subjoined the command that they should take care that no injury happen to the republic. When this had been done and a garrison stationed at many points, there was no further sign of revolution in the city, insomuch that Cicero was even falsely charged with sycophancy; but messages from the Etruscans confirmed the accusation, and thereupon he prepared an indictment for violence against Catiline.

[-32-] The latter at first accepted it with entire readiness as if supported by a good conscience, and made ready for the trial, even offering to surrender himself to Cicero so that the latter could watch and see that he did not escape anywhere. As Cicero, however, refused to take charge of him, he voluntarily took up his residence at the house of Metellus the praetor, in order that he might be as free as possible from the suspicion of promoting a revolution until he should gain some additional strength from the conspirators in that very town. But he made no headway at all, because Antonius through fear shrank back and Lentulus was anything but an energetic sort of person. Accordingly, he gave them notice to assemble by night in a particular house, where he met them without Metellus's knowledge and upbraided them for their timorousness and weakness. Next he set forth in detail how great punishments they would suffer if they were detected and how many desirable things they would obtain if successful, and by means so encouraged and incited them, that two men promised to rush into Cicero's house at daybreak and murder him there.

[-33-] Information of this, too, was given in advance: for Cicero, being a man of influence, had through his speeches by either conciliation or intimidation gained many followers, who reported such occurrences to him: and the senate voted that Catiline should leave the city. The latter was glad enough to withdraw on this excuse and went to Faesulae, where he prepared an out and out war. He took the consular name and dress and proceeded to organize the men previously collected by Mallius, meanwhile gaining accessions first of freemen, and second of slaves.

The Romans consequently condemned him for violence, ordered Antonius to the war (being ignorant, of course, of their conspiracy), and themselves changed their apparel. The crisis kept Cicero likewise where he was. The government of Macedonia had fallen to him by lot, but he did not set out for that country,—retiring in favor of his colleague on account of his occupation in the prosecutions,—nor for Hither Gaul, which he had obtained in its place, on account of the immediate situation. Instead, he charged himself with the protection of the city, but sent Metellus to Gaul to prevent Catiline from alienating it.

[-34-] It was extremely well for the Romans that he remained. For Lentulus made preparations to burn down the city and commit wholesale slaughter with the aid of his fellow conspirators and of Allobroges, who chanced to be there on an embassy: these also he persuaded to join him[24] and the others implicated in the revolution in their undertaking. The consul learning of their purpose arrested the men sent to carry it out and brought them with their letter into the senate-chamber, where, by granting them immunity, he proved all the conspiracy. As a consequence Lentulus was forced by the senate to resign the praetorship, and was kept under guard along with the others arrested while the remnant of the society was being sought for. These measures pleased the populace equally: especially so, when, during a speech of Cicero's on the subject, the statue of Jupiter was set up on the Capitol at the very time of the assembly, and by instructions of the soothsayers was placed so as to face the East and the Forum. For these prophets had decided that some conspiracy would be brought to light by the erection of the statue, and when its setting up coincided with the time of the conspirators' arrest, the people magnified the divine power and were the more angry at those charged with the disturbance.

[-35-] A report went abroad that Crassus was also among them, and one of the men arrested, too, gave this information; still, not many believed it. Some, in the first place, thought they had no business to suspect him of such a thing; others regarded it as a trumped-up charge emanating from the guilty parties, in order that the latter might thereby get some help from him, because he possessed the greatest influence. And if it did seem credible to any persons, at least they did not see fit to ruin a man who was foremost among them and to disquiet the city still more. Consequently this charge fell through utterly.

Now many slaves, and freemen as well, some through fear and others for pity of Lentulus and the rest, made preparations to deliver them all forcibly and rescue them from death. Cicero learned of this beforehand and occupied the Capitol and Forum betimes by night with a garrison. At dawn he received from above an inspiration to hope for the best: for in the course of sacrifices conducted in his house by the Vestals in behalf of the populace, the fire, contrary to custom, shot up in a tongue of great length. Accordingly, he ordered the praetors to administer an oath to the populace and have them enlisted, in case there should be any need of soldiers, and meanwhile himself convened the senate: then, by throwing them into agitation and fright, he persuaded them to condemn to death the persons held under arrest.

[-36-] At first the senators had been at variance, and came near setting them free. For while all before Caesar had voted that they should be put to death, he gave his decision that they should be imprisoned and deported to various cities after having their property confiscated, with the condition that there should be no further deliberation about immunity for them, and if any one of them should run away, he should be considered among the enemies of that city from which he fled. Then all who subsequently made known their opinions, until it came to Cato, cast this vote, so that some of the first also changed their minds. But the fact that Cato himself gave a sentence of death against them caused all the rest to vote similarly. So the conspirators were punished by the decision of the majority and a sacrifice and period of festival over them was decreed,—something that had never before happened from any such cause. Others, also, against whom information was lodged, were sought out and some incurred suspicion and were held to account for merely intending to join that party. The consuls managed most of the investigations, but Aulus Fulvius, a senator, was slain by his own father; and some think that the latter was not the only private individual who did this. There were many others, that is, not only consuls but persons in private life, who killed their children. This was the course of affairs at that time.

[-37-] The priestly elections, on motion of Labienus supported by Caesar, were again referred by the people to popular vote, contrary to the law of Sulla, but in renewal of the law of Domitius. Caesar at the death of Metellus Pius was eager for his priesthood, although young and not having served as praetor. Resting his hopes of it upon the multitude, therefore, especially because he had helped Labienus against Rabirius and had not voted for the death of Lentulus, he took the above course. And he was appointed pontifex maximus, in spite of the fact that many others, Catulus most of all, were his rivals for the honor. This because he showed himself perfectly ready to serve and flatter every one, even ordinary persons, and he spared no speech or action for getting possession of the objects for which he strove. He paid no heed to temporary groveling when weighed against subsequent power, and he cringed as before superiors to those men whom he was planning to dominate.

[-38-] Toward Caesar, accordingly, for these reasons, the masses were well disposed, but their anger was directed against Cicero for the death of the citizens, and they displayed their enmity in many ways. Finally, when on the last day of his office he desired to give a defence and account of all that had been done in his consulship,—for he took great pleasure not only in being praised by others, but also in extolling himself,—they made him keep silence and did not allow him to utter a word outside of his oath; in this they had Metellus Nepos, the tribune, to aid them. Only Cicero, in violent protestation, did take an additional oath that he had saved the city.

[B.C. 62 (a.u. 692)]

[-39-] For that he incurred all the greater hatred. Catiline met his doom at the very opening of the year in which Junius Silanus and Lucius Licinius held office. For a while, although he had no small force, he watched the movements of Lentulus and delayed, in the hope that if Cicero and his adherents should be slain in good season he could easily execute his remaining designs. But when he ascertained that Lentulus had perished and that many of his followers had deserted for that reason, he was compelled to risk the uttermost, especially as Antonius and Metellus Celer, who were besieging Faesulae, did not allow him to advance in any direction. He proceeded, therefore, against Antonius—the two were separately encamped—although the latter had greater renown than Metellus and was invested with greater power. The reason was that Catiline had hopes of his letting himself be beaten in order to fulfill the demands of his oath.

[-40-] The latter, who suspected this, no longer felt kindly toward Catiline, because he was weak; for most men form both friendships and enmities with reference to persons' influence and to individual advantage. Furthermore, being afraid that the arch-conspirator, when he saw them fighting earnestly, might utter some reproach and bring to light things that should not be mentioned, he pretended to be sick and confided the conduct of the battle to Marcus Petreius. This commander joined battle with them and not without bloodshed cut down Catiline and three thousand others while fighting most valiantly. No one of them fled, but every man fell at his post. Even the victors mourned their common loss, inasmuch as they had destroyed (no matter how justly) so many and such brave men, who were citizens and allies. His head Antonius sent to the city in order that its inhabitants might believe in his death and have no further fear. He himself was named imperator for the victory, although the number of the slaughtered was smaller than usual. Sacrifices of oxen were also voted, and the people changed their raiment to signify their deliverance from all dangers.

[-41-] Nevertheless, the allies who had shared the undertaking with Catiline and still survived after that did not remain quiet, but through fear of punishment created disturbances. Against each division of them praetors were sent, overcame them in season, while still in a way scattered, and punished them. Others that were avoiding observation were convicted and condemned on information from Lucius Vettius, a knight, who had taken part in the conspiracy but now on promise of immunity revealed them. This went on until, after having impeached some men and written their names on a tablet, he desired the privilege of writing in others. The senators suspected that he was not dealing fair and would not give him the document again for fear he should erase some names, but had him mention orally all he had omitted. Then in shame and fear he made known only a few others.

Since even under these circumstances disquietude prevailed in the city and among the allies through ignorance of the persons named, and some were needlessly troubled about themselves, while some incorrectly suspected others, the senate decreed that the names be published. As a result the innocent regained composure and judgments were pronounced upon those called to account. Some were present to be condemned and others let their cases go by default.

[-42-] Such was the career of Catiline and his downfall which, owing to the reputation of Cicero and the speeches delivered against him, brought him a greater name than his deeds deserved. Cicero came near being tried immediately for the killing of Lentulus and the other prisoners. This complaint, though technically brought against him, was really directed against the senate. For among the populace its members were subject to denunciations of the utmost virulence voiced by Metellus Nepos, to the effect that they had no right to condemn any citizen to death without the consent of the people. But Cicero had no trouble at that time. The senate had granted immunity to all those who administered affairs during that period and had further proclaimed that if any one should dare to call any one of them to account again, he should be in the category of a personal and public enemy; so that Nepos was afraid and aroused no further tumult.

[-43-] This was not the senate's only victory. Nepos had moved that Pompey be summoned with his army (he was still in Asia), pretendedly for the purpose of bringing calm to the existing conditions, but really in hope that he himself might through him get power in the disturbances he was causing, because Pompey favored the multitude: this plan the senators prevented from being ratified. For, to begin with, Cato and Quintus Minucius in their capacity as tribunes vetoed the proposition and stopped the clerk who was reading the motion. Nepos took the document to read it himself, but they snatched it away, and when even so he undertook to make some oral remarks they laid hold of his mouth. The result was that a battle with sticks and stones and even swords took place between them, in which some others joined who assisted both sides. Therefore the senators convened in session that very day, changed their togas and gave the consuls charge of the city, "that it suffer no injury." Then even Nepos was afraid and retired immediately from their midst: subsequently, after publishing some piece of writing against the senate, he set out to join Pompey, although he had no right to be absent from the city a single night.

[-44-] After this occurrence Caesar, who was now praetor, likewise showed no further revolutionary tendencies. He effected the removal of the name of Catulus from the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus—he was calling him to account for theft and was demanding an account of the money he had spent—and the entrusting to Pompey of the construction of the remainder of the edifice. For many details, considering the size and character of the work, were but half finished. Or else Caesar pretended it was so, in order that Pompey might gain the glory for its completion and inscribe his name instead. He was not, to be sure, so ready to do him a favor as to submit to having passed concerning himself some decrees similar to that regarding Nepos. He did not, in fact, act thus for Pompey's sake, but in order that he might ingratiate himself with the populace. Still, as it was, all feared Pompey to such an extent, seeing that it was not yet clear whether he would give up his legions, that when he sent ahead Marcus Piso, his lieutenant, to seek the consulship, they postponed the elections in order that the latter might attend them, and on his arrival elected him unanimously. For Pompey had recommended the man not only to his friends, but also to his enemies.

[-45-] It was at this time that Publius Clodius debauched Caesar's wife in her house and during the performance of the secret rites which according to ancestral precedent the Vestals carried out at the residences of consuls and praetors in behalf of the whole male population. Caesar brought no charge against him, understanding well that on account of his connections he would not be convicted, but divorced his wife, telling her that he did not really believe the story but that he could no longer live with her inasmuch as she had been suspected of committing adultery at all: a chaste woman must not only not err, but not even incur any evil suspicion.

[B.C. 61 (a.u. 693)]

[-46-] Following these events the stone bridge, called the Fabrician, leading to the little island in the Tiber was constructed. The next year in the consulship of Piso and Marcus Messala, the men in power showed their hatred of Clodius and at the same time made expiation for his pollution by delivering him to the court, after the pontifices had decided that the rites because of his act had not been duly performed and should be annulled. He was accused of adultery, in spite of Caesar's silence, and of desertion at Nisibis and furthermore of having had guilty relations with his sister: yet he was acquitted, although the juries had requested and obtained of the senate a guard to prevent their suffering any harm at his hands. Regarding this Catulus said jestingly that they had asked for the guard not in order to condemn Clodius with safety, but in order to preserve for themselves the money which they had received in bribes.[25]

The author of this speech died shortly after,—a man who had always, more conspicuously than his predecessors, held democracy in honor above everything. That year the censors enrolled in the senatorial body all who had attained office, even beyond the proper number. Until then, too, the populace had watched unbroken series of armed combats, but now they introduced the custom of going out to take lunch in the course of the entertainment. This practice which began at that time continues even now, when the person in authority exhibits games.

[-47-] This was the course of affairs in the city. Gaul in the vicinity of Narbo was being devastated by the Allobroges, and Gaius Pomptinus, its governor, sent his lieutenants against the enemy, but himself made a stand at a convenient spot from which he could keep watch of what occurred; this would enable him to give them opportune advice and assistance, as their advantage might from time to time dictate.

Manlius Lentinus made a campaign against the city of Valentia and terrified the inhabitants so, that the majority ran away and the rest sent ambassadors for peace. Just then the country population coming to their aid suddenly fell upon him; and he was repulsed from the wall, but ravaged the land with impunity until Catugnatus, the commander of their whole tribe, and some others of the dwellers across the Isar brought them help. For the time being he did not dare to hinder them from crossing, by reason of the number of the boats, for fear they might gather in a body on seeing the Romans arrayed against them. As the country was wooded, however, right down to the river bank, he planted ambuscades in it, and captured and destroyed them as fast as they crossed. While following up some fugitives he fell in with Catugnatus himself, and would have perished with all his force, had not the advent of a violent storm detained the barbarians from pursuit.

[-48-] Later, when Catugnatus had gone away to some distant place, Lentinus overran the country again, and seized and razed to the ground the wall where he had met with mishap. Also, Lucius Marius and Servius Galba crossed the Rhone and after damaging the possessions of the Allobroges finally reached the city of Solonium[27] and occupied a strong position commanding it. In the battle they conquered their opponents and set fire to the fortification, a portion of which was of wood: they did not, however, capture it, being hindered by the appearance of Catugnatus. Pomptinus, on receipt of this news, proceeded against him with his entire force, and besieged and got possession of the inhabitants all except Catugnatus. After that he more easily subjugated the remaining portions.

[B.C. 60 (a.u. 694)]

[-49-] At this juncture Pompey entered Italy and had Lucius Afranius and Metellus Celer appointed consuls, vainly hoping that through them he could effect whatever he desired. Among his chief wishes was to have some land given to him for the comrades of his campaigns and to have all his acts approved; but he failed of these objects at that time, because those in power, who were formerly not pleased with him, prevented the questions being brought to vote. And of the consuls themselves Afranius (who understood how to dance better than to transact any business) did not unite with him for any purpose, and Metellus, in anger that Pompey had divorced his sister in spite of having had children by her, consistently opposed him in everything. Moreover, Lucius Lucullus whom Pompey had once treated contemptuously at a chance meeting in Gaul was greatly incensed against him, bidding him give an account individually and separately of everything he had done instead of demanding a ratification for all of his acts at once. He said it was only fair to refuse to let absolutely everything that Pompey had done, as to the character of which no one knew anything, be confirmed; it was unjust to treat them like deeds performed by some master. When he (Lucullus) had finished any of his own undertakings, he was accustomed to ask that an investigation of each one be made in the senate, in order that the senators might ratify whichever suited them. Lucullus was strongly supported by Cato and Metellus and the rest who had the same wishes as they.

[-50-] Accordingly, when the tribune who moved that land be assigned to the adherents of Pompey added to the proposition (in order that they might more readily vote this particular measure and ratify his acts) that the same opportunity be afforded all the citizens as well, Metellus contested every point with him and attacked the tribune to such an extent that the latter had him put in a cell. Then Metellus wished to assemble the senate there. When the other—his name was Lucius Flavius—set the tribune's bench at the very entrance of the cell and sitting there became an obstacle to any one's entrance, Metellus ordered the wall of the prison to be cut through so that the senate might have an entrance through it, and made preparations to pass the night where he was. Pompey, on learning of this, in shame and some fear that the populace might take offence, directed Flavius to withdraw. He spoke as if this were a request from Metellus, but was not believed: for the latter's pride was well known to all. Indeed, Metellus would not give his consent when the other tribunes wished to set him free. He would not even yield when Flavius threatened him again that he would not allow him to go out to the province which he had obtained by lot unless he should assist the tribune in putting the law through: on the contrary he was very glad to remain in the city.

Pompey, therefore, since he could accomplish nothing because of Metellus and the rest, said that they were jealous of him and that he would let the people know of this. Fearing, however, that he should miss their support as well, and so be subjected to still greater shame, he abandoned his original aims. Thus he learned that he had no power in reality, but only the reputation and envy resulting from his former authority, which on the other hand afforded him no actual benefit; and he repented of having let his legions go and of having delivered himself to his enemies.

[-51-] Clodius's hatred[27] of the influential men led him after the trial to desire to be tribune, and he induced some of those who held that office to move that a share in it be given to the patricians also. As he could not bring this about, he abjured his noble rank and changing his tactics set out to obtain the prerogatives of the populace, and was even enrolled in their list. Immediately he sought the tribuneship but was not appointed, owing to the opposition of Metellus, who was related to him and did not like his actions. The excuse that Metellus gave was that the transference of Clodius had not been in accord with tradition; this change had been permitted only at the time when the lex curiata was introduced. Thus ended this episode.

Since now the taxes were a great oppression to the city and the rest of Italy, the law that abolished them caused pleasure to all. The senators, however, were angry at the praetor who proposed it (Metellus Nepos was the man) and wished to erase his name from the law, entering another one instead. Although this plan was not carried out, it was still made clear to all that they received not even benefits gladly from inferior men. About this same time Faustus, son of Sulla, gave a gladiatorial combat in memory of his father and entertained the people brilliantly, furnishing them with baths and oil gratis.

[-52-] While this happened in the city, Caesar had obtained the government of Lusitania after his praetorship: and, though he might without any great labor have cleared the land of brigandage (which probably always existed there) and then have kept quiet, he refused to do so. He was eager for glory, emulating Pompey and his other predecessors who at one time had held great power, and he harbored no small designs; it was his hope, in case he should at that time accomplish anything, to be immediately chosen consul and show the people deeds of magnitude. That hope was based more especially upon the fact that in Gades, when he was praetor, he had dreamed of intercourse with his mother, and had learned from the seers that he should come to great power. Hence, on beholding there a likeness of Alexander dedicated in the temple of Hercules he had given a groan, lamenting that he had performed no great work as yet.

Accordingly, though he might, as I have said, have been at peace, he took his way to Mount Herminium and ordered the dwellers on it to move into the plain, pretendedly that they might not rush down from their strongholds and plunder, but really because he well knew that they would never do what he asked, and that as a result he should get a cause for war. This also happened. After these men, then, had taken up arms he proceeded to draw them on. When some of the neighbors, fearing that he would betake himself against them too, carried off their children and wives and most valuable possessions out of the way across the Dorius, he first occupied their cities, where these measures were being taken, and next joined battle with the men themselves. They put their flocks in front of them, so that the Romans might scatter to seize the cattle, whereupon they would attack them. But Caesar, neglecting the quadrupeds, took the men by surprise and conquered them. [-53-] Meanwhile he learned that the inhabitants of Herminium had withdrawn and were intending to ambuscade him as he returned. So for the time being he returned by another road, but again made an attempt upon them in which he was victorious and pursued them in flight to the ocean. When, however, they abandoned the mainland and crossed over to an island, he stayed where he was, for his supply of boats was not large. He did put together some rafts, by means of which he sent on a part of his army, and lost numerous men. The person in command of them had advanced to a breakwater which was near the island and had disembarked the troops with a view to their crossing over on foot, when he was forced off by the flood tide and put out to sea, leaving them in the lurch. All of them died bravely defending themselves save Publius Scaefius, the only one to survive. Deprived of his shield and wounded in many places he leaped into the water and escaped by swimming. These events occurred all at one time. Later, Caesar sent for boats from Gades, crossed over to the island with his whole army and overcame the dwellers there without a blow, as they were in poor condition from lack of food. Thence he sailed along to Brigantium, a city of Gallaecia, alarmed the people (who had never before seen a vessel) by the breakers which his approach to land caused, and subjugated them.

[-54-] On accomplishing this he thought he had gained a sufficient means of access to the consulship and set out hastily, even before his successor arrived, to the elections. He decided to seek the position even before asking for a triumph, since it was not possible to hold a festival beforehand. He was refused the triumph, for Cato opposed him with might and main. However, he let that go, hoping to perform many more and greater exploits and celebrate corresponding triumphs, if elected consul. Besides the omens previously recited, on which, he at all times greatly prided himself, was the fact that a horse of his had been born with clefts in the hoofs of its front feet, and bore him proudly, whereas it would not endure any other rider. Consequently his expectations were of no small character, so that he willingly resigned the triumphal celebration and entered the city to canvass for office. Here he courted Pompey and Crassus and the rest so skillfully that though they were still at enmity with each other, and their political clubs were likewise, and though each opposed everything that he learned the other wished, he won them over and was unanimously appointed by them all. This evidences his cleverness in the greatest degree that he should have known and arranged the occasions and the amount of his services so well as to attach them both to him when they were working against each other.

[-55-] He was not even satisfied with this, but actually reconciled them, not because he was desirous of having them agree, but because he saw that they were the most powerful persons. And he understood well that without the aid of both or of one he could never come to any great power; but if he should make a friend of merely either one of them, he should by that fact find the other his antagonist and should suffer more reverses through him than he would win success by the support of the other. For, on the one hand, it seemed to him that all men work more strenuously against their enemies than they coöperate with their friends, not merely as a corollary of the fact that anger and hate impel more earnest endeavor than any friendship, but also because, when one man works for himself, and a second for another, success does not hold a like amount of pleasure or failure of pain in the two cases. Per contra he reflected that it was handier to get in people's way and prevent their reaching any prominence than to be willing to lead them to great heights. The chief reason for this was that he who keeps another from attaining magnitude pleases others as well as himself, whereas he who exalts another renders him burdensome to both those parties.

[-56-] These reasons led Caesar at that time to insinuate himself into their good graces, and subsequently he reconciled them with each other. He did not believe that without them he could either attain permanent power or fail to offend one of them some time, and had equally little fear of their harmonizing their plans and so becoming stronger than he. For he understood perfectly that he should master other people immediately through their friendship, and a little later master them through the agency of each other. And so it was.[28]

Pompey and Crassus, the moment they entered into his plan, themselves made peace each with the other as if of their own accord, and took Caesar into partnership respecting their designs. Pompey, on his side, was not so strong as he had hoped to be, and seeing that Crassus was in power and that Caesar's influence was growing feared that he should be utterly overthrown by them; but he had the additional hope that if he made them sharers in present advantages, he should win back his old authority through them. Crassus thought that he should properly surpass them all by reason of his family as well as his wealth; and since he was far inferior to Pompey and thought that Caesar would rise to great heights, he desired to set them in opposition one to the other, in order that neither of them should have the upper hand. He expected that they would be evenly matched antagonists and in this event he would get the benefit of the friendship of each and gain honors beyond both of them. For without supporting in all respects either the policy of the populace or that of the senate he did everything to advance his own supremacy. Thus it happened that he did both of them equal services and avoided the enmity of either, promoting on occasion whatever measures pleased both to such an extent as was likely to give him the credit for everything that went to the liking of the two, without any share in more unpleasant issues.

[-57-] Thus the three for these reasons cemented friendship, ratified it with oaths, and managed public affairs by their own influence. Next they gave and received in turn, one from another, whatever they set their hearts on and was in view of the circumstances suitable to be carried out by them. Their harmony caused an agreement also on the part of their political followers: these, too, did with impunity whatever they wished, enjoying the leadership of their superiors toward any ends, so that few traces of moderation remained and those only in Cato and in any one else who wished to seem to hold the same opinions as did he. No one in that generation took part in politics from pure motives and without any individual desire of gain except Cato. Some were ashamed of the acts committed and others who strove to imitate him took a hand in affairs in places, and manifested something of the same spirit: they were not persevering, however, inasmuch as their efforts sprang from cultivation of an attitude and not from innate virtue.

[-58-] This was the condition into which these men brought the affairs of Rome at that time while they concealed their sworn fellowship as much as possible. They did whatever had approved itself to them, but fabricated and put forth the most opposite motives, in order that they might still lie concealed for a very long time till their preparations should be sufficiently made.

Yet Heaven was not ignorant of their doings, and it straightway revealed plainly to those who could understand any such signs all that would later result from their domination. For of a sudden such a storm came down upon the whole city and all the land that quantities of trees were torn up by the roots, many houses were shattered, the boats moored in the Tiber both near the city and at its mouth were sunk, and the wooden bridge destroyed, and a small theatre built of timbers for some assembly was overturned, and in the midst of all this great numbers of human beings perished. These portents appeared in advance,—an image, as it were, of what should befall the people both on land and on water.

DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY

38

The following is contained in the Thirty-eighth of Dio's Rome: How Caesar and Bibulus fell to quarreling (chapters 1-8).

How Cicero was exiled (chapters 9-17).

How Philiscus consoled Cicero in the matter of his exile (chapters 18-30).

How Caesar fought the Helvetii and Ariovistus (chapters 31-50).

Duration of time, two years, in which there were the following magistrates, here enumerated:

C. Julius C.F. Caesar, M. Calpurnius || C.F. Bibulus ||. (B.C. 59 = a.u. 695.)

||L. Calpurnius || L.F. Piso, A. Gabinius A.F. (B.C. 58 = a.u. 696.)

The names within the parallel lines are lacking in the MSS., but were inserted by Palmer (and Boissevain).