(BOOK 38, BOISSEVAIN.)

[B.C. 59 (a.u. 695)]

[-1-] The following year Caesar wished to court the favor of the entire multitude, that he might make them his own to an even greater degree. But since he was anxious to seem to be advancing also the interests of the leading classes, so as to avoid getting into enmity with them, he often told them that he would propose no measure which would not advantage them also. Now there was a certain proposition about the land which he was for assigning to the whole populace, that he had framed in such a way as to incur no little censure for it. However, he pretended he would not introduce this measure, either, unless it should be according to their wishes. So far as the law went, indeed, no one could find fault with him. The mass of the citizens, which was unwieldly (a feature which more than any other accounted for their tendency to riot), was thus turning in the direction of work and agriculture; and most of the desolated sections of Italy were being colonized afresh, so that not only those who had been worn out in the campaigns, but also all of the rest should have subsistence a plenty, and that without any individual expense on the part of the city or any assessment of the chief men; rather it included the conferring of both rank and office upon many. He wanted to distribute all the public land except Campania—this he advised their keeping distinct as a public possession, because of its excellence—and the rest he urged them to buy not from any one who was unwilling to sell nor again for so large a price as the settlers might wish, but first from people who were willing to dispose of their holdings and second for as large a price as it had been valued at in the tax-lists. They had a great deal of surplus money, he asserted, as a result of the booty which Pompey had captured, as well as from the new[29] tributes and taxes just established, and they ought, inasmuch as it had been provided by the dangers that citizens had incurred, to expend it upon those very persons. Furthermore he was for constituting the land commissioners not a small body, to seem like an oligarchy, nor composed of men who were laboring under any legal indictment,[30] lest somebody might be displeased, but twenty to begin with, so that many might share the honor, and next those who were most suitable, except himself. This point he quite insisted should be settled in advance, that it might not be thought that he was making a motion on his own account. He himself was satisfied with the conception and proposal of the matter; at least he said so, but clearly he was doing a favor to Pompey and Crassus and the rest.

[-2-] So far as the motion went, then, he escaped censure, so that no one, indeed, ventured to open his mouth in opposition: for he had read it aloud beforehand in the senate, and calling upon each one of the senators by name had enquired his opinion, for fear that some one might have some fault to find; and he promised to frame differently or even erase entirely any clause which might not please any person. Still on the whole quite all the foremost men who were outside the plot were irritated. And this very fact troubled them most, that Caesar had compiled such a document that not one could raise a criticism and yet they were all cast down. They suspected the purpose with which it was being done,—that he would bind the multitude to him as a result of it, and have reputation and power over all men. For this reason even if no one spoke against him, no one expressed approval, either. This sufficed for the majority and they kept promising him that they would pass the decree: but they did nothing; on the contrary, fruitless delays and postponements kept arising. [-3-] As for Marcus Cato, who was in general an upright man and displeased with any innovation but was able to exert no influence either by nature or by education, he did not himself make any complaint against the motion, but without going into particulars urged them to abide by the existing system and take no steps beyond it. At this Caesar was on the point of dragging Cato out of the very senate-house and casting him into prison. The latter gave himself up quite readily to be led away and not a few of the rest followed him; one of them, Marcus Petreius, being rebuked by Caesar because he was taking his departure before the senate was yet dismissed, replied: "I prefer to be with Cato in his cell rather than here with you." Abashed at this speech Caesar let Cato go and adjourned the senate, saying only this much in passing: "I have made you judges and lords of the law so that if anything should not suit you, it need not be brought into the public assembly; but since you are not willing to pass a decree, that body itself shall decide."

[-4-] Thereafter he communicated to the senate nothing further under this head but brought directly before the people whatever he desired. However, as he wished even under these circumstances to secure as sympathizers some of the foremost men in the assembly, hoping that they had now changed their minds and would be a little afraid of the populace, he began with his colleague and asked him if he criticised the provisions of the law. When the latter made no answer save that he would endure no innovations in his own office, Caesar proceeded to supplicate him and persuaded the multitude to join him in his request, saying: "You shall have the law if only he wishes it."

Bibulus with a great shout replied: "You shall not have this law this year, even if all of you wish it." And having spoken thus he took his departure.

Caesar did not address any further enquiries to persons in office, fearing that some one of them might also oppose him; but he held a conference with Pompey and Crassus, though they were private citizens, and bade them make known their views about the proposition. This was not because he failed to understand their attitude, for all their undertakings were in common; but he purposed to honor these men in that he called them in as advisers about the law when they were holding no office, and also to stir terror in the rest by securing the adherence of men who were admittedly the foremost in the city at that time and had the greatest influence with all. By this very move, also, he would please the multitude, by giving proof that they were not striving for any unusual or unjust end, but for objects which those great men were willing both to scrutinize and to approve.

[-5-] Pompey, accordingly, very gladly addressed them as follows: "Not I alone, Quirites, sanction the proposition, but all the rest of the senate as well, seeing that it has voted for land to be given, aside from the partners of my campaign, to those who formerly followed Metellus. At that time, indeed, since the treasury had no great means, the granting of the land was naturally postponed; but at present, since it has become exceedingly rich through my efforts, it behooves the senators to redeem their promise and the rest to reap the fruit of the common toils." After these remarks he went over in detail every feature of the proposition and approved them all, so that the crowd was mightily pleased. Seeing this, Caesar asked him if he would willingly lend assistance against those who took the opposite side, and advised the multitude to ask his aid similarly for this end. When this was done Pompey was elated because both the consul and the multitude had petitioned his help, although he was holding no position of command. So, with an added opinion of his own value and assuming much dignity he spoke at some length, finally declaring "if any one dares to raise a sword, I, too, will oppose to him my shield." These utterances of Pompey Crassus, too, approved. Consequently even if some of the rest were not pleased, most became very eager for the ratification of the law when these[31] men whose reputations were in general excellent and who were, according to common opinion, inimical to Caesar (their reconciliation was not yet manifest) joined in the approbation of his measure.

[-6-] Bibulus, notwithstanding, would not yield and with three tribunes to support him continued to hinder the enactment of the law. Finally, when no excuse for delay was any longer left him, he proclaimed a sacred period for all the remaining days of the year alike, during which people could not, in accordance with the laws, come together for a meeting.[32] Caesar paid slight attention to him and announced an appointed day on which they should pass the law. When the multitude by night had already occupied the Forum, Bibulus appeared with the force at his disposal and made his way to the temple of the Dioscuri from which Caesar was delivering his harangue. The men fell back before him partly out of respect and partly because they thought he would not actually oppose them. But when he reached an elevated place and attempted to dispute with Caesar, he was thrust down the steps, his staves were broken to pieces, and the tribunes as well as the others received blows and wounds.

Thus the law was ratified. Bibulus was for the moment satisfied to save his life, but on the following day tried in the senate to annul the act; however, he effected nothing, for all, subservient to the will of the multitude, remained quiet. Accordingly he retired to his home and did not again so much as once appear in public until the last day of the year. Instead he remained in his house,—notifying Caesar through his assistants on the introduction of every new measure that it was a sacred period and by the laws he could rightfully take no action during it. Publius Vatinius, a tribune, indeed undertook to place Bibulus in a cell for this, but was prevented from confining him by the opposition of his associates in office. However, Bibulus in this way put himself out of politics and the tribunes belonging to his party likewise were never again entrusted with any public duty.

[-7-] It should be said that Metellus Celer and Cato and through him one Marcus Favonius, who imitated him in all points, for a while would not take the oath of obedience to the law. (This custom once[33], begun, as I have stated, became the regular practice in the case of other unusual measures also.) A number besides Metellus, who referred to his title of Numidicus, flatly declared they would never join in approving it. When, however, the day came[34] on which they were to incur the stated penalties, they took the oath, either as a result of the human trait according to which many persons utter promises and threats more easily than they put anything into execution, or else because they were going to be fined to no purpose, without helping the commonwealth at all by their obstinacy. So the law was ratified, and furthermore the land of Campania was given to those having three or more children. For this reason Capua was then for the first time considered a Roman colony.

By this means Caesar attached to his cause the people, and he won the knights, as well, by allowing them a third part of the taxes which they had hired. All the collections were made through them and though they had often asked the senate to grant them some satisfactory schedule, they had not gained it, because Cato and the others worked against them. When, then, he had conciliated this class also without any protest, he first ratified all the acts of Pompey—and in this he met no opposition from Lucullus or any one else,—and next he put through many other measures while no one opposed him. There was no gainsaying even from Cato, although in the praetorship which he soon after held, he would never mention the title of the other's laws, which were called the "Julian." While he followed their provisions in allotting the courts he most ridiculously concealed their names.

[-8-] These, then, because they are very many in number and offer no contribution to this history, I will leave aside.—Quintus Fufius Calenus, finding that the [B.C. 59 (a.u. 695)] votes of all in party contests were promiscuously mingled,—each of the classes attributing the superior measures to itself and referring the less sensible to the others—passed when praetor a law that each should cast its votes separately: his purpose was that even if their individual opinions could not be revealed, by reason of doing this secretly, yet the views of the classes at least might be made known.

As for the rest, Caesar himself proposed, advised and arranged everything in the city once for all as if he were its sole ruler. Hence some facetious persons hid the name of Bibulus in silence altogether and named Caesar twice, and in writing would mention Gaius Caesar and Julius Caesar as being the consuls. But in matters that concerned himself he managed through others, for he guarded most strenuously against the contingency of presenting anything to himself. By this means he more easily effected everything that he desired. He himself declared that he needed nothing more and strongly protested that he was satisfied with his present possessions. Others, believing him a necessary and useful factor in affairs proposed whatever he wished and had it ratified, not only before the populace but in the senate itself. For whereas the multitude granted him the government of Illyricum and of Gaul this side of the Alps with three legions for five years, the senate entrusted him in addition with Gaul beyond the mountains and another legion.

[-9-] Even so, in fear that Pompey in his absence (during which Aulus Gabinius was to be consul) might lead some revolt, he attached to his cause both Pompey and the other consul, Lucius Piso, by the bond of kinship: upon the former he bestowed his daughter, in spite of having betrothed her to another man, and he himself married Piso's daughter. Thus he fortified himself on all sides. But Cicero and Lucullus, little pleased at this, undertook to kill both Caesar and Pompey through the medium of one Lucius Vettius; they failed of their attempt, however, and all but perished themselves as well. For Vettius, being informed against and arrested before he had acted, denounced them; and had he not charged Bibulus also with being in the plot against the two, they would have certainly met some evil fate. As it was, inasmuch as in his defence he accused the man who had revealed the project to Pompey, he was suspected of not speaking the truth on other points either, but created the impression that the matter had been somehow purposely contrived with a view to calumniating the opposite party. About these details some spread one report and others another, but nothing was definitely proven. Vettius was brought before the populace and after naming only those whom I have mentioned was thrown into prison, where not much later he was treacherously murdered.

[-10-] In consequence of this Cicero became an object of suspicion on the part of Caesar and Pompey, and he strengthened their conjecture in his defence of Antonius. The latter, in his governorship of Macedonia, had committed many outrages upon the subject territory as well as the section that was under truce, and had been well chastised in return. He ravaged the possessions of the Dardani and their neighbors and then did not dare to withstand their attack, but pretending to retire with his cavalry for some other purpose took to flight; in this way the enemy surrounded his infantry and drove them out of the country with violence, taking away their plunder from them besides. When he tried the same tactics on the allies in Moesia he was defeated near the city of the Istrianians by the Bastarnian Scythians who came to their aid; and thereupon he decamped. It was not for this conduct, however, that he was accused, but he was indicted for conspiracy with Catiline; yet he was convicted on the former charge, so that it was his fate to be found not guilty of the crime for which he was being tried, but to be punished for something of which he was not accused. That was the way he finally came off; but at the time Cicero in the character of his advocate, because Antonius was his colleague, made a most bitter assault upon Caesar as responsible for the suit against the man, and heaped some abuse upon him in addition.

[-11-] Caesar was naturally indignant at it, but, although consul, refused to be the author of any insolent speech or act against him. He said that the rabble purposely cast out[35] many idle slurs upon their superiors, trying to entice them into strife, so that the commoners might seem to be equal and of like importance, in case they should get anything similar said of themselves. Hence he did not see fit to put any person on an equal footing with himself. It had been his custom, therefore, to conduct himself thus toward others who insulted him at all, and now seeing that Cicero was not so anxious about abusing him as about obtaining similar abuse in return and was merely desirous of being put on an equality with him, he paid little heed to his traducer, acting as if nothing had been said; indeed, he allowed him to employ vilifications unstintedly, as if they were praises showered upon him. Still, he did not disregard him entirely. Caesar possessed in reality a rather decent nature, and was not easily moved to anger. Accordingly, though punishing many, since his interests were of such magnitude, yet his action was not due to anger nor was it altogether immediate. He did not indulge wrath at all, but watched his opportunity and his vengeance dogged the steps of the majority of culprits without their knowing it. He did not take measures so as to seem to defend himself against anybody, but so as to arrange everything to his own advantage while creating the least odium. Therefore he visited retribution secretly and in places where one would least have expected it,—both for the sake of his reputation, to avoid seeming to be of a wrathful disposition, and to the end that no one through premonition should be on his guard in advance, or try to inflict some dangerous injury upon his persecutor before being injured. For he was not more concerned about what had already occurred than that[36] (future attacks) should be hindered. As a result he would pardon many of those, even, who had harmed him greatly, or pursue them only a little way, because he believed they would do no further injury; whereas upon many others, even more than was right, he took vengeance looking to his safety, and said that[37] what was done he could never make undone,[38] but because of the extreme punishment he would[39] for the future at least suffer[40] no calamity.

[-12-] These calculations induced him to remain quiet on this occasion, too; but when he ascertained that Clodius was willing to do him a favor in return, because he had not accused him of adultery, he set the man secretly against Cicero. In the first place, in order that he might be lawfully excluded from the patricians, he transferred him with Pompey's coöperation again to the plebian rank, and then immediately had him appointed tribune. This Clodius, then, muzzled Bibulus, who had entered the Forum at the expiration of his office and intended in the course of taking the oath to deliver a speech about present conditions, and after that attacked Cicero also.

[B.C. 58 (a.u. 696)]

He soon decided that it was not easy to overthrow a man who, on account of his skill in speaking, had very great influence in politics, and so proceeded to conciliate not only the populace, but also the knights and the senate with whom Cicero most held in regard. His hope was that if he could make these men his own, he might easily cause the downfall of the orator, whose great strength lay rather in the fear than in the good-will which he inspired. Cicero annoyed great numbers by his words, and those who were won to him by benefits conferred were not so numerous as those alienated by injuries done them. Not only did it hold true in his case that the majority of mankind are more ready to feel irritation at what displeases them than to feel grateful to any one for good treatment, and think that they have paid their advocates in full with wages, whereas they are determined to give those who oppose them at law a perceptible setback: but furthermore he invited very bitter enemies by always striving to get the better of even the strongest men and by always employing an unbridled and excessive frankness of speech to all alike; he was in desperate pursuit of a reputation for being able to comprehend and speak as no one else could, and before all wanted to be thought a valuable citizen. As a result of this and because he was the greatest boaster alive and thought no one equal to himself, but in his words and life alike looked down on all and would not live as any one else did, he was wearisome and burdensome, and was consequently both envied and hated even by those very persons whom he pleased.

[-13-] Clodius therefore hoped that for these reasons, if he should prepare the minds of the senate and the knights and the populace in advance, he could quickly make way with him. So he straightway[41] distributed free corn gratis (he had already in the consulship of Gabinius and Piso introduced a motion that it be measured out to those who lacked), and revived the associations called collegia in the native language, which had existed anciently but had been abolished for some time. The tribunes he forbade to depose a person from any office or disfranchise him, save if a man should be tried and convicted in presence of them both. After enticing the citizens by these means he proposed another law, concerning which it is necessary to speak at some length, so that it may become clearer to most persons.

Public divination was obtained from the sky and from some other sources, as I said, but that of the sky carried the greatest weight,—so much so that whereas the other auguries held were many in number and for each action, this one was held but once and for the whole day. Besides this most peculiar feature it was noticeable that whereas in reference to all other matters sky-divination either allowed things to be done and they were carried out without consulting any individual augury further, or else it would prevent and hinder something, it restrained the balloting of the populace altogether and was always a portent to check them, whether it was of a favorable or ill-boding nature. Now the cause of this custom I am unable to state, but I set down the common report. Accordingly, many persons who wished to obstruct either the proposal of laws or official appointments that came before the popular assembly were in the habit of announcing that they would use the divination from the sky for that day, so that the people could ratify nothing during the period. Clodius was afraid that if he indicted Cicero some person by such means might interpose a postponement or delay the trial, and so introduced measure that no one of the officials should, on the days when it was necessary for the people to vote on anything, observe the signs from heaven.

[-14-]Such was the nature of the indictment which he then drew up against Cicero. The latter understood what was going on and induced Lucius Ninnius Quadratus, a tribune, to oppose it all: then Clodius, in fear lest a tumult and delay of some kind should arise as a result, outwitted him by deceit. He made arrangements with Cicero beforehand to bring no indictment against him, if he, in turn, would not interfere with any of the measures under consideration; whereupon, while the latter and Ninnius were quiet, he secured the passage of the laws, and next proceeded against the orator. Thus was the latter, who thought himself extremely wise, deceived on that occasion by Clodius,—if we ought to say Clodius and not Caesar and his party. For the law that Clodius proposed after this trick was not on its face enacted against Cicero (i.e. it did not contain his name), but against all those simply who put to death or had put to death any citizen without the condemnation of the populace; yet in fact it was drawn up as strongly as possible against that one man.

It brought within its scope, indeed, all the senate, because they had charged the consuls with the protection of the city, by which act it was permitted the latter to take such steps, and subsequently had voted to condemn Lentulus and the rest who at that time suffered the death penalty. Cicero, however, incurred the responsibility alone or most of all, because he had laid information against them and had each time made the proposition and put the vote and had finally seen to their execution by the agents entrusted with such business. For this reason he took vigorous retaliatory measures, and discarding senatorial dress went about in the garb of the knights, paying court meanwhile, as he went back and forth, day and night alike to all who had any influence, not only of his friends but also of his opponents, and especially to Pompey and Caesar, inasmuch as they did not show their enmity toward him. [-15-] In their anxiety not to appear by their own action to have set Clodius on or to be pleased with his measures, they devised the following way, which suited them admirably and was obscure to their foe, for deceiving Cicero. Caesar advised him to yield, for fear he might perish if he remained where he was: and in order to have it believed the more readily that he was doing this through good will, he promised that the other should employ him as helper, so that he might retire from Clodius's path not with reproach and as if under examination, but in command and with honor.

Pompey, however, turned him aside from this course, calling the act outright desertion, and uttering insinuations against Caesar to the effect that through enmity he was not giving sound advice; for his own counsel, as expressed, was for Cicero to remain and come to the aid of the senate and himself with outspokenness, and to defend himself immediately against Clodius: the latter, he declared, would not be able to accomplish anything with the orator present and confronting him and would furthermore meet his deserts, and he, Pompey, would coöperate to this end. After these speeches from them, modeled in such a way not because the views of the two were opposed, but for the purpose of deceiving the man without arousing his suspicion, Cicero attached himself to Pompey. Of him he had no previous suspicion and was thoroughly confident of being rescued by his assistance. Many men respected and honored him, for numerous persons in trouble were saved some from the judges and others from their very accusers. Also, since Clodius had been a relative of Pompey's and a partner of his campaigns for a long period, it seemed likely that he would do nothing that failed to accord with his wishes. As for Gabinius, Cicero expected that he could count on him absolutely as an adherent, being a good friend of his, and equally on Piso because of his regard for right and his kinship with Caesar. [-16-] On the basis of these calculations, then, he hoped to win (for he was confident beyond reason even as he had been terrified without investigating), and in fear lest his withdrawal from town should seem to have been the result of a bad conscience, he paid heed to Pompey, while stating to Caesar that he was considerably obliged to him.

Thus it came about that the victim of the deceit continued his preparations to administer a stinging defeat to his enemies. For, in addition to the encouraging circumstances already mentioned, the knights in convention sent to the consuls and senate on the Capitol [B.C. 58 (a.u. 696)] envoys in his behalf from their own number, and the senators Quintus Hortensius and Gaius Curio. One of the many ways in which Ninnius, too, assisted him was to urge the populace to change their garb, as if for a universal disaster. And many even of the senators did[42] this and would not change back until the consuls by edict rebuked them.

The forces of his adversaries were more powerful, however. Clodius would not allow Ninnius to take any action in his behalf, and Gabinius would not grant the knights access to the senate; on the contrary, he drove one of them, who was very insistent, out of the city and chided Hortensius and Curio for having come before them when they were assembled and having undertaken the embassy. Moreover Clodius led them before the populace where they were well thrashed and beaten for their embassy by some appointed agents. After this Piso, though he seemed well disposed toward Cicero and had advised him to slip away beforehand on seeing that it was impossible for him to attain safety by other means, nevertheless, when the orator took offence at this counsel, came before the assembly at the first opportunity—he was too feeble most of the time—and to the question of Clodius as to what opinion he held regarding the proposed measure said: "No deed of cruelty or sadness pleases me." Gabinius, too, on being asked the same question, not only praised Clodius but indulged in invectives against the knights and the senate.

[-17-] Caesar, however (whom since he had taken the field Clodius could make arbiter of the proposition only by assembling the throng outside the walls), condemned the lawlessness of the action taken in regard to Lentulus, but still did not approve the punishment proposed for it. Every one knew, he said, all that had been in his mind concerning the events of that time—he had cast his vote for letting the men live—but it was not fitting for any such law to be drawn up touching events now past. This was Caesar's statement; Crassus showed some favor to Cicero through his son but himself took the side of the multitude. Pompey kept promising the orator assistance, but by making various excuses at different times and arranging purposely many journeys out of town failed to defend him.

Cicero seeing this was frightened and again undertook to resort to arms,—among other things he did was to abuse Pompey openly with insults—but was prevented by Cato and Hortensius, for fear a civil war might result. Then at last, against his will, with shame and the ill-repute of having gone into exile voluntarily, as if conscience-stricken, he departed. Before leaving he ascended the Capitol and dedicated a little image of Minerva, whom he styled "protectress." It was to Sicily that he secretly betook himself. He had once been governor there, and entertained a lively hope that he would be honored among its towns and private citizens and by its rulers.

On his departure the law took effect; so far from meeting with any opposition, it was supported, as soon as he was once out of the way, by those very persons (among others) who were thought to be the foremost movers in Cicero's behalf. His property was confiscated, his house was razed to the ground, as though it had been an enemy's, and its foundation was dedicated for a temple of Liberty. Upon the orator himself exile was imposed, and a continued stay in Sicily was forbidden him: he was banished three thousand seven hundred and fifty stadia[43] from Rome, and it was further proclaimed that if he should ever appear within those limits, both he and those who harbored him might be killed with impunity.

[-18-] He, accordingly, went over to Macedonia and was living in the depths of grief. But there met him a man named Philiscus, who had made his acquaintance in Athens and now by chance fell in with him again.

"Are you not ashamed, Cicero," said this person, "to be weeping and behaving like a woman? Really, I should never have expected that you, who have partaken of much education of every kind, who have acted as advocate to many, would grow so faint-hearted."

"Ah," replied the other, "it's not the same thing, Philiscus, to speak for others as to advise one's own self. The words spoken in others' behalf, proceeding from a mind that stands erect, undeteriorated, have the greatest possible effect. But when some affliction overwhelms the spirit, it is made turbid and dark and can not think out anything appropriate. Wherefore, I suppose, it has well been said that it is easier to counsel others than one's self to be strong under suffering."

"Yours is a very human objection," rejoined Philiscus. "I did not think, however, that you, who have shown so much wisdom and have trained yourself in so much learning, had failed to prepare yourself for all human possibilities, so that if any unexpected accident should happen to you, it would not find you unfortified. Since, notwithstanding, you are in this plight, why I might benefit you by rehearsing what is good for you. Thus, just as men who put a hand to people's burdens relieve them, so I might lighten this misfortune of yours, and the more easily than they inasmuch as I shall take upon myself the smallest share of it. You will not deem it unworthy, I trust, to receive some encouragement from another. If you were sufficient for your own self, we should have no need of these words. As it is, you are in a like case to Hippocrates or Democedes or any other of the great physicians, if one of them should fall a victim to a disease hard to cure and should need another's hand to bring about his own recovery."

[-19-] "Indeed," said Cicero, "if you have any such train of reasoning as will dispel this mist from my soul and restore me to the light of old, I am most ready to listen. For of words, as of drugs, there are many varieties and diverse potencies, so that it will not be surprising if you should be able to steep in some mixture of philosophy even me, the shining light of senate, assembly, and law-courts."

"Come then," continued Philiscus, "since you are ready to listen, let us consider first whether these conditions that surround you are actually bad, and next in what way we may cure them. First of all, now, I see you are in good physical health and quite vigorous,—a state which is by nature a blessing to mankind,—and next that you have provisions in sufficiency so as not to hunger or thirst or be cold or endure any other unpleasant experience through lack of means, a second circumstance which any one might naturally set down as good for man's nature. For when one's physical constitution is good and one can live along without worry every accessory to happiness is enjoyed."

[-20-] To this Cicero replied: "No, not one of such accessories is of use when some grief is preying upon one's spirit. The reflections of the soul distress one far more than bodily comforts can cause delight. Even so I at present set no value on my physical health because I am suffering in mind, nor yet in the abundance of necessaries; for the deprivations I have endured are many."

Said the other: "And does this grieve you? Now if you were going to be in want of things needful, there would be some reason for your being annoyed at your loss. But since you have all the necessaries in full measure, why do you harass yourself because you do not possess more? All that belongs to one beyond one's needs is in excess and its nature is the same whether present or absent, for you are aware that even formerly you did not make use of what was not necessary: hence suppose that at that time the things which you did not need were non-existent or else that those of which you are not in want are now here. Most of them were not yours by inheritance that you should be particularly exercised about them, but were furnished you by your own tongue and by your words,—the same causes that effected their loss. Accordingly, you should not take it hard that just as things were acquired, so they have been lost. Sea-captains are not greatly disturbed when they suffer great reverses. They understand, I think, how to look at it sensibly,—that the sea which gives them wealth takes it away again.

[-21-] "This is enough on one point. I think it should be enough for a man's happiness to possess a sufficiency and to lack nothing that the body requires, and I hold that everything in excess brings anxieties and trouble and jealousies. But as for your saying there is no enjoyment in physical blessings unless one have corresponding spiritual advantages, the statement is true: it is impossible if the spirit is in poor condition that the body should fail to partake of the sickness. However, I think it much easier for one to care for mental than for physical vigor. The body, being of flesh, contains many paradoxical possibilities and requires much assistance from the higher power: the intellect, of a nature more divine, can be easily trained and prompted. Let us look to this, therefore, to discover what spiritual blessing has abandoned you and what evil has come upon you that you cannot shake off.

[-22-] "First, then, I see that you are a man of the greatest intellectual gifts. The proof is that you nearly always persuaded both the senate and the people in cases where you gave them any advice and helped private citizens very greatly in cases where you acted as their advocate. And second that you are a most just man. Indeed you have contended everywhere for your country and for your friends and have arrayed yourself against those who plotted against them. Yes, this very misfortune which you have suffered has befallen you for no other reason than that you continued to speak and act in everything for the laws and for the government. Again, that you have attained the highest degree of temperance is shown by your very habits. It is not possible for a man who is a slave to sensual pleasures to appear constantly in public and to go to and fro in the Forum, making his deeds by day witnesses of those by night. And because this is so I thought you were the bravest of men, enjoying, as you did, so great strength of intellect, so great power in speaking. But it seems that you, startled out of yourself by having failed contrary to your hope and deserts, have been drawn back a little from the goal of real bravery. This loss, however, you will recover immediately, and as your circumstances are such, with a good physical state and a good spiritual, I cannot see what there is to distress you."

[-23-] At the end of this speech of his Cicero rejoined:—"There seems to you, then, to be no great evil in dishonor and exile and not living at home nor being with your friends, but instead being expelled with violence from your country, existing in a foreign land, and wandering about with the name of exile, causing laughter to your enemies and disgrace to your connections."

"Not a trace of evil, so far as I can see," declared Philiscus. "There are two elements of which we are constituted,—soul and body,—and definite blessings and evils are given to each of the two by Nature herself. Now if there should be any failure in these details, it might properly be considered hurtful and base, but if all should be right it would be advantageous rather. This, at the outset, is your condition. Those things which you mentioned, cases of dishonor among them, and everything else of the sort are disgraceful and evil only through law and a kind of notion, and work no injury to either body or soul. What body could you cite that has fallen sick or perished and what spirit that has grown wickeder or even more ignorant through dishonor and exile and anything of that sort? I see none. And the reason is that no one of these accidents is by nature evil, just as neither honorable position nor residence in one's country is by nature excellent, but whatever opinion each one of us holds about them, such they seem to be. For instance, mankind do not universally apply the term 'dishonor' to the same conditions, but certain deeds which are reprehensible in some regions are praised in others and various actions honored by this people are punishable by that. Some do not so much as know the name, nor the fact which it implies. This is quite natural. For whatever does not touch what belongs to man's nature is thought to have no bearing upon him. Just exactly as it would be most ridiculous, surely, if some judgment or decree were delivered that so-and-so is sick or so-and-so is base, so does the case stand regarding dishonor.

[-24-] "The same thing I find to be true in regard to exile. Living abroad is somehow in a way dishonorable, so that if dishonor pure and simple contains no evil, surely an evil reputation can not be attached to exile either. You know at any rate that many live abroad the longest possible time, some unwillingly and others willingly; and some even spend their whole life traveling about, just as if they were expelled from every place: and yet they do not regard themselves as being injured in doing so. It makes no difference whether a man does it voluntarily or not. The person who trains unwillingly gets no less strong than he who is willing about it, and the person who navigates unwillingly obtains no less benefit than the other. And as for this very element of unwillingness, I do not see how it can encounter a man of sense. If the difference between being well and badly off is that some things we readily volunteer to do and others we are unwilling and grudge to perform, the trouble can be easily mended. For if We endure willingly all necessary things and show the white feather before none of them, all those matters in which one might assume unwillingness have been abolished. There is, indeed, an old saying and a very good one, to the effect that we ought not to think it requisite for whatever we wish to come to pass, but to wish for whatever does come to pass as the result of any necessity. We neither have free choice in our course of life nor is it on ourselves that we are dependent; but according as it may suit Fortune, and according to the character of the Divinity granted each one of us for the fulfillment of what is ordained, must we also regard our life.

[-25-] "Such is the nature of the case whether we like it or not. If, now, it is not mere dishonor or mere exile that troubles you, but the fact that not only without having done your country any hurt, but after having benefited her greatly you were dishonored and expelled, look at it in this way,—that once it was destined for you to have such an experience, it has been the noblest and the best fortune that could befall you to be despitefully used without having committed any wrong. You advised and performed all that was proper for the citizens, not as individual but as consul, not meddling officiously in a private capacity but obeying the decree of the senate, not as a party measure but for the best ends. This or that other person, on the contrary, out of his superior power and insolence had devised everything against you, wherefore disasters and grief belong to him for his injustice, but for you it is noble as well as necessary to bear bravely what the Divinity has determined. Surely you would not have preferred to coöperate with Catiline and to conspire with Lentulus, to give your country the exact opposite of advantageous counsel, to discharge none of the duties laid upon you by it, and thus to remain at home under a burden of wickedness instead of displaying uprightness and being exiled. Accordingly, if you have any care for reputation, it is far preferable for you to have been driven out, guilty of no wrong, than to have remained at home by executing some villainy; for, among other considerations, shame attaches to the men who have unjustly cast one forth, but not to the man who is wantonly expelled.

[-26-] "Moreover, the story as I heard it was that you did not depart unwillingly nor after conviction, but of your own accord; that you hated to live with them, seeing that you could not make them better and would not endure to perish with them, and that you were exiled not from your country but from those who were plotting against her. Consequently they would be the ones dishonored and banished, having cast out all that is good from their souls, but you would be honored and fortunate, as being nobody's slave in unseemly fashion and possessing all fitting qualities, whether you choose to live in Sicily, in Macedonia, or anywhere else in the world. Surely it is not localities that give either good fortune or unhappiness of any sort, but each man makes for himself both country and happiness always and everywhere. This is what Camillus had in mind when he was glad to dwell in Ardea; this is the way Scipio reckoned when he lived his life out without grieving in Liternum. What need is there to mention Aristides or to cite Themistocles, men whom exile rendered more esteemed, or Anni[44] … or Solon, who of his own accord left home for ten years?

"Therefore do you likewise cease to consider irksome any such thing as pertains neither to our physical nor to our spiritual nature, and do not vex yourself at what has happened. For to us belongs no choice as I told you, of living as we please, but it is quite requisite for us to endure what the Divinity determines. If we do this voluntarily, we shall not be grieved: if involuntarily, we shall not escape at all what is fated and we shall lay upon ourselves besides the greatest of ills,—distressing our hearts to no purpose. The proof of it is that men who bear good-naturedly the most outrageous fortunes do not regard themselves as being in any very dreadful circumstances, while those that are disturbed at the lightest disappointments feel as if all human ills were theirs. And, among people in general, some who handle fair conditions badly and others who handle unfavorable conditions well make their good or ill fortune appear even in the eyes of others to be of precisely the same nature as they figure it to themselves. [-27-] Bear this in mind, then, and be not cast down by your present state, nor grieve if you learn that the men who exiled you are flourishing. In general the successes of men are vain and ephemeral, and the higher a man climbs as a result of them the more easily, like a breath, does he fall, especially in partisan conflicts. Borne along in a tumultuous and unstable medium they differ little, or rather not at all, from ships in a storm, but are carried up and then down, now hither, now yon; and if they make the slightest error, they sink altogether. Not to mention Drusus or Scipio or the Gracchi or some others, remember how Camillus the exile later came off better than Capitolinus, and remember how much Aristides subsequently surpassed Themistocles.

"Do you, then, as well, entertain a strong hope that you will be restored; for you have not been expelled on account of wrong doing, and the very ones who drove you forth will, as I take it, seek for you, while all will miss you. [-28-] But if you continue in your present state,—as give yourself no care about it, even so. For if you lean to my way of thinking you will be quite satisfied to pick out a little estate on the coast and there carry on at the same time farming and some historical writing, like Xenophon, like Thucydides. This form of learning is most lasting and most adaptable to every man, every government, and exile brings a leisure in some respects more productive. If, then, you wish to become really immortal, like those historians, imitate them. Necessities you have in sufficiency and you lack no measure of esteem. And, if there is any virtue in it, you have been consul. Nothing more belongs to those who have held office a second, a third, or a fourth time, except an array of idle letters which benefit no man, living or dead. Hence you would not choose to be Corvinus or Marius, the seven times consul, rather than Cicero. Nor, again, are you anxious for any position of command, seeing that you withdrew from one bestowed upon you because you scorned the gains to be had from it and scorned a brief authority that was subject to the scrutiny of all who chose to practice sycophancy, matters I have mentioned not because any one of them is requisite for happiness, but because, since it was best, you have been engaged in politics enough to learn from it the difference in lives and to choose the one but reject the other, to pursue the one but avoid the other.

"Our life is but short and you ought not to live all of it for others, but by this time to grant a little to yourself. Consider how much quiet is better than disturbance and a placid life than tumults, freedom than slavery, and safety than dangers, that you may feel a desire to live as I am urging you to do. In this way you will be happy, and your name because of it shall be great,—yes, always, whether you are alive or dead.

[-29-] "If, however, you are eager for a return and hold in esteem a brilliant political career,—I do not wish to say anything unpleasant, but I fear, as I cast my eyes on the case and call to mind your freedom of speech, and behold the power and numbers of your adversaries, that you may meet defeat once again. If then you should encounter exile, you can merely change your mind, but if you should incur some fatal punishment you will be unable to repent. Is it not assuredly a dreadful, a disgraceful thing to have one's head cut off and set up in the Forum, if it so happen, for any one, man or woman, to insult? Do not hate me as one foreboding evil to you: I but give you warning; be on your guard. Do not let the fact that you have certain friends among the influential men deceive you. You will get no help against those hostilely disposed from the men who seem to love you; this you probably know by experience. Those who have a passion for domination regard everything else as nothing in comparison with obtaining what they desire: they often give up their dearest friends and closest kin in exchange for their bitterest foes."

[-30-] On hearing this Cicero grew just a little easier in mind. His exile did not, in fact, last long. He was recalled by Pompey himself, who was most responsible for his expulsion. The reason was this.

Clodius had taken a bribe to deliver Tigranes the younger, who was even then still in confinement at the abode of Lucius Flavius, and had let him go. He outrageously insulted Pompey and Grabinius who had been incensed at the proceeding, inflicted blows and wounds upon their followers, broke to pieces the consul's rods, and dedicated his property. Pompey, enraged by this and particularly because the authority which he himself had restored to the tribunes Clodius had used against him, was willing to recall Cicero, and immediately began through the agency of Ninnius to negotiate for his return.

The latter watched for Clodius to be absent and then introduced in the senate the motion in Cicero's behalf. When another one of the tribunes opposed him, he not only went into the matter at some length, intimating that he should communicate it also to the people, but he furthermore opposed Clodius once for all at every point. From this ensued disputes and many consequent woundings on both sides. But before matters reached that point Clodius felt anxious to get Cato out of the way so that he might the more easily be successful in the business he had in hand, and likewise to take measures against Ptolemy who then held Cyprus, because the latter had failed to ransom him from the pirates. Hence he made the island public property and despatched Cato, very loath, to attend to its administration.

[-31-] While this went on in the city, Caesar found no hostility in Gaul: everything was absolutely quiet. The state of peace, however, did not continue, but to one war which at first arose against him another was added, so that his greatest wish was fulfilled of making war against and setting right everything at once.

The Helvetians, who abounded in numbers and had not land sufficient for their populous condition, refused to send out a part to form a colony for fear that separated they might be more subject to plots on the part of the tribes whom they had once injured. They decided all to leave their homes, with the intention of transferring their dwelling-place to some other larger and better country, and burned all their villages and cities so as to prevent any one's regretting the migration. After adding to their numbers some others who wanted the same changes, they started off with Orgetorix as leader,—their intention being to cross the Rhone and settle somewhere near the Alps.

When Caesar severed the bridge and made other preparations to hinder them from crossing, they sent to him to ask a right of way and promised in addition to do no harm to Roman territory.

And though he had the greatest distrust of them and had not the slightest idea of allowing them to proceed, yet, because he was still poorly equipped he answered that he wished to consult his lieutenants about their requests and would give them their reply on a stated day. In fact he offered some little hope of his granting them the passage. Meanwhile he dug ditches and erected walls in commanding positions, so that their road was made impassable.

[-32-] Accordingly the barbarians waited a little time, and then, when they heard nothing as agreed, they broke camp and proceeded through the Allobroges's country, as they had started. Encountering the obstacles they turned aside into Sequanian territory and passed through their land and that of the Aedui, who gave them a free passage on condition that they do no harm. Not abiding by their covenant, however, they plundered the Aeduans' country. Then the Sequani and Aedui sent to Caesar to ask assistance, and begged him not to let them perish.

Though their statements did not correspond with their deeds, they nevertheless obtained what they requested. Caesar was afraid the Helvetians might turn also against Tolosa and chose to drive them back with the help of the other tribes rather than to fight them after they had effected a reconciliation,—which, it was clear, would otherwise be the issue. For these reasons he fell upon the Helvetians as they were crossing the Arar, annihilated in the very passage the last of the procession and alarmed those that had gone ahead so much by the suddenness and swiftness of the pursuit and the report of their loss, that they desired to come to some agreement guaranteeing land. [-33-] They did not, however, reach any terms; for when they were asked for hostages they became offended, not because they were distrusted but because they disliked to give hostages to any one. So they disdained a truce and went forward again.

Caesar's cavalry had galloped far ahead of the infantry and was harassing, incidentally, their rear guards, when they faced about with their horse and conquered it. As a result they were filled with pride, and thinking that he had fled, both because of the defeat and because owing to a lack of provisions he was turning aside to a city that was off the road, they abandoned further progress to pursue after him. Caesar saw this, and fearing their impetus and numbers hurried with his infantry to some higher ground but sent forward his horsemen to engage the enemy till he should have marshaled his forces in a suitable place. The barbarians routed them a second time and were making a spirited rush up the hill when Caesar with forces drawn up dashed down upon them suddenly from his commanding position and without difficulty repulsed them, while they were scattered. After these had been routed some others who had not joined in the conflict—and owing to their multitude and eagerness not all had been there at once—took the pursuers in the rear and threw them into some confusion, but effected nothing further. For Caesar after assigning the fugitives to the care of his cavalry himself with his heavy-armed force turned his attention to the others. He was victorious and followed to the wagons both bodies, mingled in their flight; and there, though from these vehicles they made a vigorous defence, he vanquished them. After this reverse the barbarians were divided into two parties. The one came to terms with him, went back again to their native land whence they had set out, and there built up again the cities to live in. The other refused to surrender arms, and, with the idea that they could get back again to their primeval dwelling-place, set out for the Rhine. Being few in numbers and laboring under a defeat they were easily annihilated by the allies of the Romans through whose country they were passing.

[-34-] So went the first war that Caesar fought; but he did not remain quiet after this beginning. Instead, he at the same time satisfied his own desire and did his allies a favor. The Sequani and Aedui had marked the trend of his wishes[45] and had noticed that his deeds corresponded with his hopes: consequently they were willing at one stroke to bestow a benefit upon him and to take vengeance upon the Celts that were their neighbors. The latter had at some time in the past crossed the Rhine, cut off portions of their territory, and, holding hostages of theirs, had rendered them tributaries. And because they happened to be asking what Caesar was yearning for, they easily persuaded him to assist them.

Now Ariovistus was the ruler of those Celts: his dominion had been ratified by action of the Romans and he had been registered among their friends and allies by Caesar himself, in his consulship. In comparison, however, with the glory to be derived from the war and the power which that glory would bring, the Roman general heeded none of these considerations, except in so far as he wished to get some excuse for the quarrel from the barbarian so that it should not be thought that there was any grievance against him at the start. Therefore he sent for him, pretending that he wanted to hold some conversation with him. Ariovistus, instead of obeying, replied: "If Caesar wishes to tell me anything, let him come himself to me. I am not in any way inferior to him, and a man who has need of any one must always go to that person." At this the other showed anger on the ground that he had insulted all the Romans, and he immediately demanded of him the hostages of the allies and forbade him either to set foot on their land or to bring against them any auxiliary force from home. This he did not with the idea of scaring him but because he hoped to make him furious and by that means to gain a great and fitting pretext for the war. What was expected took place. The barbarian, enraged at the injunctions, made a long and outrageous reply, so that Caesar no longer bandied words with him but straightway, before any one was aware of his intentions, seized on Vesontio, the city of the Sequani, in advance.

[-35-] Meanwhile reports reached the soldiers. "Ariovistus is making vigorous preparations," was "There are many other Celts, some of whom have already crossed the Rhine undoubtedly to assist him, while others have collected on the very bank of the river to attack us suddenly," was another. Hence they fell into deep dejection. Alarmed by the stature of their enemies, by their numbers, their boldness, and consequent ready threats, they were in such a mood as to feel that they were going to contend not against men, but against uncanny and ferocious beasts. And the talk was that they were undertaking a war which was none of their business and had not been decreed, merely on account of Caesar's personal ambition; and they threatened, also, to leave him in the lurch if he should not change his course. He, when he heard of it, did not make any address to the body of soldiers. It was not a good plan, he thought, to discuss such matters before the multitude, especially when his words would reach the enemy; and he was afraid that they might by refusing obedience somehow raise a tumult and do some harm. Therefore he assembled his lieutenants and the subalterns, before whom he spoke as follows.

[-36-] "My friends, we must not, I think, deliberate about public interests in the same way as about private. In fact, I do not see that the same mark is set up for each man privately as for all together publicly. For ourselves it is proper both to plan and to perform what looks best and what is safest, but for the public what is most advantageous. In private matters we must be energetic: so only can a good appearance be preserved. Again, a man who is freest from outside entanglements is thought to be also safest. Yet a state, especially if holding sovereignty, would be very rapidly overthrown by such a course. These laws, not drawn up by man but enacted by nature herself, always did exist, do exist, and will exist so long as the race of mortals endures.

"This being so, no one of you at this juncture should have an eye to what is privately pleasant and safe rather than to what is suitable and beneficial for the whole body of Romans. For besides many other considerations that might naturally arise, reflect that we who are so many and of such rank (members of the senate and knights) have come here accompanied by a great mass of soldiers and with money in abundance not to be idle or careless, but for the purpose of managing rightly the affairs of our subjects, preserving in safety the property of those bound by treaty, repelling any who undertake to do them wrong, and increasing our own possessions. If we have not come with this in mind, why in the world did we take the field at all instead of staying at home with some occupation or other and on our private domains? Surely it were better not to have undertaken the campaign than when assigned to it to throw it over. If, however, some of us are here because compelled by the laws to do what our country ordains, and the greater number voluntarily on account of the honors and rewards that come from wars, how could we either decently or without sin be false at once to the hopes of the men that sent us forth and to our own? Not one person could grow so prosperous as a private citizen as not to be ruined with the commonwealth, if it fell. But if the republic succeeds, it lifts all fortunes and each one individually.

[-37-] "I am not saying this with reference to you, my comrades and friends who are here: you are not in general ignorant of the facts, that you should need to learn them, nor do you assume an attitude of contempt toward them, that you should require exhortation. I am saying it because I have ascertained that there are some of the soldiers who themselves are talking to the effect that the war we have taken up is none of our business, and are stirring up the rest to sedition. My purpose is that you yourselves may as a result of my words show a more ardent zeal for your country and teach them all they should know. They would be apt to receive greater benefit in hearing it from you privately and often than in learning it but once from my lips. Tell them, then, that it was not by staying at home or shirking campaigns or avoiding wars or pursuing idleness that our ancestors made the State so great, but it was by bringing their minds to venture readily everything that they ought and by working eagerly to the bitter end with bodily labor for everything that pleased them, by regarding their own things as belonging to others but acquiring readily the possessions of their neighbors as their own, while they saw happiness in nothing else than in doing what was required of them and held nothing else to be ill fortune than resting inactive. Accordingly, as a result of this policy those men, who had been at the start very few and possessed at first a city than which none was more diminutive, conquered the Latins, conquered the Sabines, mastered the Etruscans, Volsci, Opici, Leucanians and Samnites, in one word subjugated the whole land bounded by the Alps and repulsed all the alien tribes that came against them.

[-38-] "The later Romans, likewise, and our own fathers imitated them, not being satisfied with their temporary fortune nor content with what they had inherited, and they regarded sloth as their sure destruction but exertion as their certain safety. They feared that if their treasures remained unaugmented they would be consumed and worn away by age, and were ashamed after receiving so rich a heritage to make no further additions: thus they performed greater and more numerous exploits.

"Why should one name individually Sardinia, Sicily, Macedonia, Illyricum, Greece, Ionic Asia, the Bithynians, Spaniards, Africans? I tell you the Carthaginians would have given them plenty of money to stop sailing against that city, and so would Philip and Perseus to stop making campaigns against them; Antiochus would have given much, his children and descendants would have given much to let them remain on European soil. But those men in view of the glory and the greatness of the empire did not choose to be ignobly idle or to enjoy their wealth in confidence, nor did the elders of our own generation who even now are still alive.

"They knew well that the same practices as acquire good things serve also to preserve them: hence they made sure many of their original belongings and acquired many new ones. What need is there here to catalogue in detail Crete, Pontus, Cyprus, Asiatic Iberia, Farther Albania, both Syrian nations, each of the two Armenias, the Arabians, the Palestinians? We did not even know their names accurately in the old days: yet now we lord it over some ourselves and others we have bestowed upon various persons, insomuch that we have gained from them income and powers and honors and alliances.

[-39-] "With such examples before you, then, do not bring shame upon our fathers' deeds nor let slip that empire which is now the greatest. We cannot deliberate in like manner with the rest of mankind who possess no similar advantages. For them it suffices to live in ease and, with safety guaranteed, to be subservient to others, but for us it is inevitable to toil and march and amid dangers to preserve our existing prosperity. Against this prosperity many are plotting. Every object which surpasses others attracts both emulation and jealousy; and consequently an eternal war is waged by all inferiors against those who excel them in any respect. Hence we either ought not from the first to have increased, thus differing from other men, or else, since we have grown so great and have gained so many possessions, it has been fated that we should either rule these firmly or ourselves perish utterly. For it is impossible for men who have advanced to so great reputation and such vast power to live apart and without danger. Let us therefore obey Fortune and not repel her, seeing that she voluntarily and self-invited belonged to our fathers and now abides with us. This result will not be reached if we cast away our arms and desert the ranks and sit idly at home or wander among our allies. It will be reached if we keep our arms constantly in hand—this is the only way to preserve peace—and practice warlike deeds in the midst of dangers—this is the only way we shall avoid fighting forever—and aid promptly those allies that ask us—in this way we shall get more—and do not indulge those enemies who are always turbulent—in this way no one will any longer care to wrong us.

[-40-] "For if some god had actually become our sponsor that, even if we should fail to do this, no one would plot against us and we should forever enjoy in safety all that we have won, it would still be disgraceful to say that we ought to keep quiet; yet those who are willing to do nothing that is requisite would have some show of excuse. But, as a fact, it is inevitable that men who possess anything should be plotted against by many, and it behooves us to anticipate their attacks. One class that holds quietly to its own possessions incurs danger even for these, while another without any compulsion employs war to acquire the possessions of others and keeps them. No one who is in terror regarding his own goods longs for those of his neighbors; for the fear concerning what he already has effectually deters him, from meddling in what does not belong to him. Why then does any man say such a thing as this,—that we must not all the time be gaining something more!

"Do you not recall, partly from hearsay and partly from observation, that none of the Italian races refrained from plotting against our country until our ancestors brought war into their territories, nor did the Epirots until they crossed over into Greece? Philip did not refrain, but intended to make a campaign against Italy until they wrought harm to his land in advance. Nor was there hesitation on the part of Perseus, of Antiochus, of Mithridates, until they were subjected to the same treatment. And why must one mention the remaining cases? For a while the Carthaginians suffered no damage at our hands in Africa, and crossed into Italy, where they overran the country, sacked the towns and almost captured the City itself; but when war began to be made against them they decamped altogether from our land. One might instance this same course of events in regard to the Gauls and Celts. For these people while we remained on this side of the Alps often crossed them and ravaged a large part of Italy. But when we ventured at last to make a campaign beyond the mountains and to surround them with war, and actually detached a portion of their territory, we never again saw any war begun by them in Italy except once. When, accordingly, in the face of these facts anybody says that we ought not to make war he simply says that we ought not to be rich, ought not to rule others, ought not to be free, to be Romans. Just as you would not endure it if a man should say any of these things, but would kill him even as he stood before you, so now also, my comrades, assume a like attitude toward those who utter the other form of statement, judging their disposition not by their words but by their acts.

[-41-] "Now no one of you would contend, I think, that these are not the right kind of ideas to entertain. If, however, any one thinks that the fact of no investigation having been made about this war before the senate and of no vote having been passed in presence of the assembly is a reason why we need be less eager, let him reflect that of all the wars which have ever fallen to our lot some, to be sure, have come about as a result of preparation and previous announcement, but others equally on the spur of the moment. For this reason all uprisings that are made while we are staying at home and keeping quiet and in which the beginning of the complaints arises from some embassy both need and demand an enquiry into their nature and the introduction of a vote, after which the consuls and praetors must be assigned to them and the forces sent out: but all that come to light after persons have already gone forth and taken the field are no longer to be brought up for decision, but to be taken hold of in advance, before they increase, as matters decreed and ratified by Necessity herself.

"Else for what reason did the people despatch you to this point, for what reason did they send me immediately after my consulship? Why did they, on the one hand, elect me to hold command for five years at one time, as had never been done before, and on the other hand equip me with four legions, unless they believed that we should certainly be required to fight, besides? Surely it was not that we might be supported in idleness or traveling about to allied cities and subject territory prove a worse bane to them than an enemy. Not a man would make this assertion. It was rather that we might keep our own land, ravage that of the enemy, and accomplish something worthy both of our numbers and our expenditures. Therefore with this understanding both this war and every other whatsoever has been entrusted, has been delivered to us. They acted very sensibly in leaving in our hands the decision as to whom we should fight against, instead of voting for the war themselves. For they would not have been able to understand thoroughly the affairs of our allies, being at such a distance from them, and would not have taken measures against known and prepared enemies at an equally fitting moment. So we, to whom is left at once the decision and the execution of the war, by turning our weapons immediately against foes that are actually in the field shall not be acting in an unauthorized or unjust or incautious manner.

[-42-] "But suppose some one of you interrupts me with the following objection: 'What has Ariovistus done so far out of the way as to become an enemy of ours in Place of a friend and ally?' Let any such man consider the fact that one has to defend one's self against those who are undertaking to do any wrong not only on the basis of what they do, but also on the basis of what they intend, and has to check their growth in advance, before suffering some hurt, instead of waiting to have some real injury inflicted and then taking vengeance. Now how could he better be proven to be hostile, yes, most hostile toward us than from what he has done? I sent to him in a friendly way to have him come to me and deliberate in my company about present conditions, and he neither came nor promised that he would appear. And yet what did I do that was unfair or unfitting or arrogant in summoning him as a friend and ally? What insolence and wantonness rather, has he omitted in refusing to come? Is it not inevitable that he did this from one of two reasons, either that he suspected he should suffer some harm or that he felt contempt for me? Well, if he had any suspicions he convicted himself most clearly of conspiring against us. For no one that has not endured any injury is suspicious toward us nor does one become so as a result of an upright and guileless mind: no, it is those who have prepared to wrong others that are ready to be suspicious of them because of their own conscience. If, again, nothing of this sort was at the bottom of his action, but he merely looked down on us and insulted us with overweening words, what must we expect him to do when he lays hold of some real project? For when a man has shown such disdain in matters where he was not going to gain anything, how has he not been convicted of entire injustice in intention and in performance?

"Still, he was not satisfied with this, but further bade me come to him, if I wanted anything of him. [-43-] Do not, I beg of you, regard this addition as slight. It is really a good indication of his disposition. That he should have refused to visit me a person speaking in his defence might refer to shrinking and sickness and fear. But that he should send a summons to me admits of no excuse, and furthermore proves him to have acted from no other impulse than a readiness to yield me obedience in no point and a determination to impose corresponding demands in every case. With now much insolence and abuse does this very course of his teem! The proconsul of the Romans summons a man and the latter does not come: then one of the Allobroges [sic] summons the proconsul of the Romans. Do not think this a small matter and of little moment in that it was I, Caesar, whom he failed to obey, or because he called me Caesar. It was not I that summoned him, but the Roman, the proconsul, the rods, the dignity, the legions: it was not I that was summoned by him, but all of these. Privately I have no dealings with him, but in common we have all spoken and acted, received his retort and suffered.

[-44-] "Therefore the more that anybody asserts that he has been registered among our friends and among our allies, the more he will prove him to deserve our hatred. Why? Because acts such as not even any of our admittedly bitterest foes has ever ventured to perform have been committed by Ariovistus under the titles of friendship and of alliance; it looks as though he had secured them for the very purpose of having a chance to wrong us with impunity. On the other hand, our former treaty with him was not made with the idea of being insulted and plotted against, nor will it now be we who break the truce. For we sent envoys to him as to one who was still a friend and ally, but he—well you see how he has used us. Accordingly just as when he chose to benefit us and desired to be well treated in return he justly obtained his wishes, so now, too, when he does the opposite of that in everything, with thorough justice would he be held in the position of a foe. Do not be surprised that whereas once upon a time I myself did some little business in his behalf both in the senate and before the people I now speak in this way. So far as I am concerned my sentiments are the same now as then: I am not changing front. And what are they? To honor and reward the good and faithful, but to dishonor and punish the evil and unfaithful. It is he that is changing front, in that he makes an unfair and improper use of the privileges bestowed by us.

[-45-] "As to its being most just, then, for us to fight against him no one, I think, will have any contention to make. And that he is neither invincible nor even a difficult adversary you can see from the other members of his race whom you have often conquered before and have recently conquered very easily, and you can calculate further from what we learn about the man himself. For in general he has no native force that is united and welded together, and at present, since he is expecting no reverse, he utterly lacks preparation. Again, not one of his countrymen would readily aid him, not even if he makes most tempting offers. Who would choose to be his ally and fight against us before receiving any injury at our hands? Is it not rather likely that all would coöperate with us, instead of with him,—from a desire to overthrow his principality, which joins theirs, and obtain from us some share of his territory?

"Even if some should band together, they would not prove at all superior to us. For, to omit the rest,—our numbers, our age, our experience, our deeds,—who is there ignorant of the fact that we have armor over all our body alike, whereas they are for the most part naked, and that we employ both plan and arrangement, whereas they, unorganized, rush at everything in a rage. Be sure not to dread their charge nor the greatness of either their bodies or their shout. For voice never yet killed any man, and their bodies, having the same hands as we, can accomplish no more, but will be capable of much greater damage through being both big and naked. And though their charge is tremendous and headlong at first, it is easily exhausted and lasts but a short time. [-46-] To you who have doubtless experienced what I mention and have conquered men like them I make these suggestions so that you need not appear to have been influenced by my talk and may really feel a most steadfast hope of victory as a result of what has already been accomplished. However, a great many of the very Gauls who are like them will be our allies, so that even if these nations did have anything terrible about them, it will belong to us as well as to the others.

"Do you, then, look at matters in this way and instruct the rest. I might as well tell you that even if some of you do hold opposite views, I, for my part, fight just as I am and will never abandon the position to which I was assigned by my country. The tenth legion will be enough for me. I am sure that they, even if there should be need of going through fire, would readily go through it naked. The rest of you be off the quicker the better and cease consuming supplies here to no purpose, recklessly spending the public money, laying claim to other men's labors, and appropriating the plunder gathered by others."

[-47-] At the end of this speech of Caesar's not only did no one raise an objection, even if some thought altogether the opposite, but they all approved his words, especially those who were suspected by him of spreading the talk they had heard mentioned. The soldiers they had no difficulty in persuading to yield obedience: some had of their own free will previously decided to do so and the rest were led to that course through emulation of them. He had made an exception of the tenth legion because for some reason he always felt kindly toward it. This was the way the government troops were named, according to the arrangement of the lists; whence those of the present day have similar titles.

When they had been thus united, Caesar, for fear that by delay they might again become indifferent, no longer remained stationary, but immediately set out and pressed forward against Ariovistus. By the suddenness of his approach he so alarmed the latter that he forced him to hold a conference with him regarding peace. They did not come to terms, however, since Caesar wished to impose all commands and Ariovistus refused to obey at all.

War consequently broke forth; and not only were the two chief parties interested on the alert, but so were also all the allies and enemies of both sides in that region; for they felt sure that the battle between them would take place in the shortest possible time and that they themselves should have to serve in every way those who once conquered. The barbarians had the superiority in numbers and in size of bodies, but the Romans in experience and armor. To some extent also Caesar's skill in planning was found to counterbalance the fiery spirit of the Celts and their disorderly, headlong charge. As a result, then, of their being evenly matched, their hopes and consequent zeal were in perfect equipoise.

[-48-] While they were encamped opposite each other the women on the barbarian side after divination forbade the men to engage in any battle before the new moon. For this reason Ariovistus, who already paid great heed to them whenever they took any such action, did not join in conflict with his entire force immediately, although the Romans were challenging him to come out. Instead, he sent out the cavalry together with the foot soldiers assigned to them and did the other side severe injury. Scornfully elated by his success he undertook to occupy a position beyond the line of their trench. Of this he held possession, while his opponents occupied in turn another. Then, although Caesar kept his army drawn up outside until afternoon, he would not proceed to battle, but when his foe toward evening retired he suddenly came after them and all but captured their palisade. Since his affairs progressed so well he recked little any longer of the women, and on the following day when, according to their daily custom the Romans were marshaled, he led out his forces against them.

[-49-] The Romans, seeing them advancing from their quarters, did not remain motionless, but made a forward dash which gave their opponents no chance to get carefully ordered, and by attacking with a charge and shout intercepted their javelins in which they had especial confidence. In fact, they got into such close quarters with them that the enemy could not employ their pikes or long swords. So the latter used their bodies in shoving oftener than weapons in fighting and struggled to overturn whoever they encountered and to knock down whoever withstood them. Many deprived even of the use of the short swords fought with hands and mouths instead, dragging down their adversaries, biting, tearing, since they far surpassed them in the size of their bodies. The Romans, however, did not suffer any great bodily injuries in consequence: they closed with their foes and by their armor and skill somehow proved a match. Finally, after carrying on that sort of battle for a very long time, late in the day they prevailed. For their daggers, which were smaller than those of the Gauls and had steel blades, proved very useful to them: moreover, the men themselves, constrained thereto by the very labor, lasted better than the barbarians because the endurance of the latter was not of like quality with the vehemence of their attacks. The Gauls for these reasons were defeated: they were not routed, merely because they were unable, through confusion and feebleness, to flee, and not because they lacked the wish. Three hundred therefore, more or less, gathered in a body, opposed their shields on all sides of them and standing upright, apart from the press, proved hard to move by reason of their solidity: so that they neither accomplished aught nor suffered aught.

[-50-] The Romans, when their warriors neither advanced against them nor fled but stood quietly in the same spot as if on towers, likewise laid aside first of all their short spears which could not be used: and as they could not with their swords fight in close combat nor reach the others' heads, where alone the latter, fighting with them exposed, were vulnerable, they threw down their shields and made an attack. Some by a long run and others from close at hand leaped upon[46] the foes in some way and struck them. At this many fell immediately, beneath a single blow, and many did not fall till after they were dead. They were kept upright even when dead by the closeness of their formation. In this way most of the infantry perished either there or near the wagons, according to how far they were pushed out of line toward them, with wives and children. Ariovistus with fifty horsemen straightway left the country and started for the Rhine. He was pursued, but not overtaken, and escaped on a boat ahead of his followers. Of the rest the Romans entered the river to kill some, and others the chief himself took up and brought away.

DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY

39

The following is contained in the Thirty-ninth of Dio's Rome.

How Caesar fought the Belgae (chapters 1-5).

How Cicero came back from exile (chapters 6-11).

How Ptolemy, expelled from Egypt, sought refuge in Rome (chapters 12-16).

How Cato settled matters in Cyprus (chapters 17-23).

How Pompey and Crassus were chosen consuls (chapters 24-37).

How Pompey's Theatre was dedicated (chapters 38, 39).

How Decimus Brutus, Caesar's lieutenant, conquered the Veneti in a sea-fight (chapters 40-43).

How Publius Crassus, Caesar's lieutenant, fought the Aquitani (chapters 44-46).

How Caesar after fighting with some of the Celtae crossed the Rhine: and about the Rhine (chapters 47-49).

How Caesar crossed over into Britain: and about the island (chapters 50-54).

How Ptolemy was restored to Egypt by Gabinius, and how Gabinius was brought to trial for it (chapters 55-85).

Duration of time, four years, in which there were the following magistrates, here enumerated.

P. Cornelius P.F. Lentulus Spinther, C. Caecilius C.F. Metellus Nepos.
(B.C. 57 = a.u. 697.)

Cn. Cornelius P.F. Lentulus Marcellinus, L. Marcius L.F. Philippus.
(B.C. 56 = a.u. 698.)

Cn. Pompeius Cn. F. Magnus (II), M. Licinius P.F. Crassus (II). (B.C. 55 = a.u. 699.)

L. Domitius Cn. F. Ahenobarbus, Appius Claudius Appi F. Pulcher. (B.C. 54 = a.u. 700.)