(BOOK 39, BOISSEVAIN.)

[B.C. 57 (a.u. 697)]

[-1-] Such was the end of these wars. After this, when the winter had passed in which Cornelius Spinther and Metellus Nepos began their consulship, a third war burst upon them. The Belgae, dwelling near the Rhine with many mingled tribes and extending to the ocean opposite Britain, had been during the previous epoch at peace with the Romans so far as concerned a part of their nation, while the rest paid no heed to them: but now, noting Caesar's prosperity and fearing that he might advance against them, they made a change of front and by common agreement (except on the part of the Remi) took counsel against the Romans and conspired, making Galba their head.

Caesar learned this from the Remi and was on his guard against them: subsequently he encamped at the river Axona, collected his soldiers all together and exercised them. He did not venture to come into close quarters with the enemy, though they were overrunning Roman territory, until they felt contempt for him, thinking him afraid, and undertook to destroy the bridge and put a stop to the conveyance of grain, which the allies brought across it. He was made aware beforehand by deserters that this was to be done, and by night sent against the foe the light-armed troops and the cavalry. [-2-] So they, unexpectedly assaulting the barbarians, killed many of them, so that the following night they all withdrew thence to their own land, especially since the Aeduans were reported to have invaded it. Caesar perceived what was going on, but through ignorance of the country did not dare to pursue them immediately. At daybreak, however, he took the cavalry, bade the infantry follow behind, and came up with the fugitives. They proceeded to give battle, for he was thought to have come with his cavalry alone, and he delayed them until the infantry arrived. In this way he surrounded them with his whole force, cut down the majority, and made terms with the survivors. Later he brought into allegiance some of the peoples without fighting and some by war.

[-3-] The Nervii voluntarily retired before him from their plain country,—for they were not a match for his forces,—but betook themselves into the wooded parts of the mountains, and then, when they saw him settled in camp,[47] they came charging down unexpectedly. Opposite Caesar himself they soon turned to flight, but got the better of the major part of his army, capturing the camp without striking a blow. When Caesar became aware of this,—he had advanced a little way in pursuit of those he had routed,—he turned back and came upon them engaged in pillage within the fortification, where he ensnared and slaughtered them. After accomplishing this he found no difficulty in subduing the rest of the Nervii.

[-4-] Meanwhile the Aduatuci, near neighbors of theirs, sprung from the Cimbri and possessing their spirit, started out as if to assist them but were overpowered before they effected anything, whereupon they withdrew, and leaving all their other sites established themselves in one fort, the strongest. Caesar assaulted it but was for many days repulsed, until he turned to the making of engines. Then for a time they gazed at the Romans cutting wood and constructing the machines and through their inexperience laughed at what was taking place. But when the things were finished and heavy-armed soldiers upon them approached from all sides, they were panic-stricken because never before had they seen such an affair; so they sent the heralds for peace, supplied the soldiers with provisions, and threw some of their weapons from the wall. When, however, they saw the machines stripped of men again, and noticed the latter, as after a victory, following their own hearts' desires, they changed their minds and recovering courage made a sally by night to cut them down unawares. But Caesar was carefully managing everything every moment, and when they fell on the outposts from every side they were beaten back. Not one of the survivors could any longer obtain pardon, and they were all sold.

[-5-] When these had been subjugated and others, too, some by him and many by his lieutenants, winter set in and he retired to winter-quarters. The Romans at home heard of this and were astonished that he had seized so many nations, whose names they had known but imperfectly before, and voted a sacrifice of fifteen days for his deeds,—something that had never before occurred.

During the same period Servius Galba, acting as his lieutenant, had, while the season lasted and the army remained a unit, brought to terms the Varagri, dwelling beside Lake Lemannus and beside the Allobroges as far as the Alps: some he had mastered by force and others by capitulation, so that he was even preparing to winter where he was. When, however, the majority of the soldiers had departed, some on furloughs because they were not far from Italy, and others elsewhere to their own possessions, the natives took advantage of this fact and unexpectedly attacked him. Then he was led by despair to a kind of frenzy and suddenly dashing out of the winter camp astounded those attacking him by the strangeness of the move and passing through them gained the heights. On reaching safety he fought them off and later enslaved them: he did not winter there, however, but transferred his quarters to the Allobroges.

[-6-] These were the events in Gaul. Pompey meanwhile had brought about a vote for the recall of Cicero. The man that he had expelled through the agency of Clodius he now brought back to help him against that very person. So prone is human nature to change and in such wise do persons select in turn the very opposite things as likely to cause them benefit or injury. His helpers among the praetors and tribunes were Titus Annius Milo and the rest, who brought the proposition before the populace. Spinther the consul was zealous[48] for Cicero partly as a favor to Pompey and partly to damage Clodius, by reason of a private enmity which had led him as judge to condemn the man for incest: Clodius was supported by various men in public office, by Appius Claudius, his brother, who was praetor, and by Nepos the consul who hated Cicero for some reason of his own. [-7-] These parties, accordingly, with the consuls as leaders made more noise than before, and so did the rest in the city, championing one side or the other. Many disorderly proceedings were the result, chiefest of which was that during the very casting of the vote on the subject Clodius, knowing that the masses would be for Cicero, took the gladiators that his brother held in readiness for the funeral games in honor of Marcus his relative, leaped into the assemblage, wounded many and killed many more. Consequently no decision was reached and the perpetrator, as the companion of armed champions, was dreaded in general by all: he then stood for the aedileship, with a view to escaping the penalty for his violence by being elected. Milo had indicted him but did not succeed in bringing him to court, for the quaestors, by whom the allotment of jurors had to be made, had not been elected, and Nepos forbade the praetor to allow any case before their allotment. Now it was proper for the aediles to be chosen before the quaestors, and this proved the principal cause of delay. [-8-] Much disturbance was created by the contest over this very point, and at last Milo himself collected some gladiators and others who desired the same objects as he did and kept continually coming to blows with Clodius, so that fatal conflicts took place throughout practically the entire city. Nepos now, inspired with fear by his colleague and by Pompey and by the other prominent men, changed his attitude, and as the senate decreed, on motion of Spinther, that Cicero should be restored, and the populace on the motion of both consuls voted it, Clodius, to be sure, spoke against it to them, but he had Milo as an opponent so that he could commit no violence, and Pompey, among others, spoke in favor of the enactment, so that that party proved much the stronger.

[-9-] Cicero accordingly came home from exile and expressed his gratitude to both senate and people,—the consuls affording him an opportunity,—in their respective assemblies. He laid aside his hatred of Pompey for his banishment, became reconciled with him, and immediately repaid his kindness. A sore famine had arisen in the city and the entire populace rushed into the theatre (the kind of theatre that they were then still using for public gatherings) and from there to the Capitol where the senators were in session, threatening first to slay them with their own hands and later to burn them alive, temple and all. It was then that Cicero persuaded them to elect Pompey as commissioner of the grain supply and to give him consequently the office of proconsul for five years both within Italy and without. So he now, as previously in the case of the pirates, was to hold sway over the entire world at that time under Roman power.

[-10-] Caesar and Crassus really disliked Cicero, but paid some attention to him when they perceived that he would return in any case, Caesar even while absent displaying some good-will toward him; they received, however, no thanks for their pains. Cicero knew that they had not acted according to their real inclination and regarded them as having been most to blame for his banishment. And though he was not quite bold enough to oppose them openly, since he had recently tasted the fruits of unrestrained free speech, nevertheless he composed secretly a little book and inscribed upon it that it contained a kind of defence of his policy. In it he heaped together masses of denunciation against them and others, which led him to such fear of these statements getting out in his lifetime that he sealed up the volume and delivered it to his son with the injunction not to read nor to publish what was written, until his father should have departed from life.

[-11-] Cicero, accordingly, took root anew and got back his property and likewise the foundation of his home, although the latter had been given up to Liberty and Clodius both called the gods to witness and interposed religious scruples against its desecration. But Cicero found a flaw in the enactment of the lex curiata by the provisions of which his rival had been taken from the nobles into the rank of the people, on the ground that it had not been proposed within the limit of days set by ancestral custom. Thus he tried to make null and void the entire tribuneship of Clodius (in which also the decree regarding his house had been passed), saying that inasmuch as the transference of the latter to the common people had taken place unlawfully, it was not possible for any one of his acts while in office to be considered binding. By this means he persuaded the pontifices to give back to him the foundation as properly his and unconsecrated. So he obtained that and money for the construction of his house, and whatever else of his property had been damaged.

[-12-] After this there was further trouble on account of King Ptolemy. He had spent much money upon some of the Romans, some of his own income and some borrowed, in order to strengthen his kingdom and receive the name of friend and ally. He was collecting this sum forcibly from the Egyptians and was irritated at the difficulty he encountered as well as at their bidding him demand back Cyprus from the Romans or else renounce his friendship for the foreigners,—neither of which demands suited his wishes. Since he could neither persuade them to be quiet nor yet force them, as he had no foreign troops, he made his escape from Egypt, went to Rome, and accused them of having expelled him from his kingdom: he obtained the right to be restored by Spinther, to whom Cilicia had been entrusted.

[-13-] While this was going on, the people of Alexandria, who for a while did not know that he had departed for Italy or supposed he was dead, placed Berenice his daughter on the throne in his place. Then, learning the truth, they sent a hundred men to Rome to defend themselves against his complaints and to bring counter charges of all the wrongs they had suffered. He heard of it in advance (he was still in Rome) and lay in wait for the envoys, by sending various men in different directions, before their arrival. The majority of them perished on the road, and of the survivors he slew some in the city itself and others he either terrified by what had happened or by administering bribes persuaded them neither to touch upon the matters regarding which they had been sent, nor to make any mention at all of those who had been killed. [-14-] The affair, however, became so noised abroad that even the senate was mightily displeased, being urged on to action chiefly by Marcus Favonius, who assigned two causes for his indignation,—first, that many envoys sent by allies had perished by violence, and second, that numerous Romans also on this occasion had taken bribes. So they summoned Dio, the presiding officer of the envoys (for he had survived) in order to learn the truth from him. But this time, too, Ptolemy gained such a victory by money that neither did Dio enter the assemblage, nor was any mention made of the murder of the dead men, so long as Ptolemy was on the ground.[49] Furthermore, when Dio was subsequently treacherously slain, he paid no penalty for that deed, either. This was chiefly due to the fact that Pompey had entertained him in his house and continued to render him powerful assistance. Of the other abuses that sprang from this source many were accused at a later time, but few convicted. For bribery was rampant and each coöperated with the other because of his own fear.

[-15-] While mortals were being influenced by money to behave themselves so, Heaven at the very beginning of the next year by striking with a thunderbolt the statue of Jupiter erected on the Alban hill, delayed the return of Ptolemy some little time. For when they had recourse to the Sibylline verses they found written in them this very passage: "If the king of Egypt come requesting some aid, refuse him not friendship altogether, nor yet succor him with any great force: otherwise, you will have both toils and dangers." Thereupon, amazed at the coincidence between the verses and the events of the time, they were persuaded by Gaius Cato the tribune to rescind all their decisions in the case. This was the way the oracle was given, and it was made public by Cato (for it was forbidden to announce to the populace any of the Sibylline statements unless the senate voted it). Yet as soon as the sense of the verses, as usually happens, began to be talked about, he was afraid that it might be concealed, led the priests before the populace and there compelled them to utter the oracle before the senate had given them any instructions. The more scruples they had against doing so, the more insistent[50] was the multitude. [-16-] Cato's wish prevailed; it was written in the Latin tongue and proclaimed. After this they gave their opinions: some were for assigning the restoration of Ptolemy to Spinther without an army and others urged that Pompey with two lictors should escort him home (Ptolemy, on learning of the oracle, had preferred this latter request and his letter was read in public by Aulus Plautius, the tribune). The senators then, fearing that Pompey would by this means obtain still greater power, opposed it, using the matter of the grain as an excuse.

All this happened in the consulship of Lucius Philippus and Gnaeus Marcellinus. Ptolemy, when he heard of it, refused the favor of restoration, went to Ephesus, and passed his time in the temple of the goddess.

[-17-] The year before a peculiar incident, which still has some bearing upon history, had taken place. It was this. The law expressly forbids any two persons of the same clan to hold the same priesthood at the same time. Now Spinther the consul was anxious to place his son Cornelius Spinther among the augurs, and when Faustus, the son of Sulla, of the Cornelian gens had been enrolled before him, took his son out of the clan and put him in that of Manlius Torquatus, and thus though the letter of the law was preserved, its spirit was broken.

[B.C. 56 (a.u. 698)]

[-18-] Clodius had now come to the office of aedile, in the year of Philippus and Marcellinus; being anxious to avoid the lawsuit he had got himself elected by a political combination. He immediately instituted proceedings against Milo for procuring gladiators: what he was doing himself and was likely to be brought to trial for he brought as a charge against his rival. He did this not really in the expectation of convicting Milo,—for the latter had many strong champions, among them Cicero and Pompey,—but in order that under this pretext he might carry on a campaign against Milo and harass his helpers. The following was one of his numerous devices. [-19-] He had instructed his clique that whenever he should ask them in the assemblies: "Who was it that did or said so-and-so?" they should all cry out: "Pompey!" Then on several occasions he would suddenly ask about everything that could be taken amiss in Pompey, either in physical peculiarities or any other respect, taking up various small topics, one at a time, as if he were not speaking of him particularly. Thereupon, as usually happens in such cases, some would start off and others join in the refrain, saying "Pompey!" and there was considerable jeering. The man attacked could not control himself and keep quiet nor would he stoop to a trick like Clodius's, so that he grew exceedingly angry, yet could not stir: thus nominally Milo was condemned, but in reality Pompey was convicted without even making a defence. For Clodius went one step farther and would not allow the lex curiata to be brought up for discussion; and until that was enacted no other serious business could be transacted in the commonwealth or any suit introduced.

[-20-] For a season Milo served as a shield for their abuses and assassinations, but about this time some portents occurred. In Albanum a small temple of Juno, set on a kind of table facing the east, was turned around to the west; a flash of light starting from the south shot across to the north; a wolf entered the city; an earthquake occurred; some of the citizens were killed by a thunderbolt; in Latin territory a subterranean tumult was distinctly heard: and the soothsayers, being anxious to produce a remedy, said that some spirit was angry with them because of some temples or sites not inhabited for holy purposes. Then Clodius substituted Cicero for Milo and attacked him vigorously in speeches because he had built upon the foundation of the house dedicated to Liberty; and once he went to it, with the apparent intention of razing it anew to the ground, though he did not do so, being prevented by Milo. [-21-] Cicero was angry at such treatment and kept making complaints, and finally with Milo and some tribunes as attendants he ascended the Capitol and took down the tablets set up by Clodius to commemorate his exile. This time Clodius came up with his brother Gaius, a praetor, and took them away from him, but later he watched for a time when Clodius was out of town, ascended the Capitol again, took them and carried them home. After this occurrence no quarter was shown on either side, but they abused and slandered each other as much as they could, without refraining from the basest means. One declared that the tribuneship of Clodius had been contrary to law and that therefore his deeds in office had no authority, and the other that Cicero's exile had been justly decreed and his restoration unlawfully voted.

[-22-]While they were contending, and Clodius was getting much the worst of it, Marcus Cato came upon the scene and made them equal. He had a grudge against Cicero and was likewise afraid that all his acts in Cyprus would be annulled, because he had been sent out under Clodius as tribune: hence he readily took sides with the latter. He was very proud of his deeds and anxious above all things that they should be confirmed. For Ptolemy, who at that time was master of the island, when he learned of the vote that had been passed, and neither dared to rise against the Romans nor could endure to live, deprived of that province, had taken his life by drinking poison.[51] Then the Cypriots, without reluctance, accepted Cato, expecting to be friends and allies of the Romans instead of slaves. It was not, however, of this that Cato made his chief boast; but because he had administered everything in the best possible manner, had collected slaves and large amounts of money from the royal treasury, yet had met with no reproach but had given account of everything unchallenged,—it was for this that he laid claim to valor no less than if he had conquered in some war. So many persons accepted bribes that he thought it more unusual for a man to despise money than to conquer the enemy.

[-23-] So at that time Cato for the reasons specified had some hope of a proper triumph, and the consuls in the senate proposed that a praetorship be given him, although by law it could not yet be his. He was not appointed (for he spoke against the measure himself), but obtained even greater renown from it. Clodius undertook to name the servants brought from Cyprus Clodians, because he himself had sent Cato there, but failed because the latter opposed it. So they received the title of Cyprians, although some of them wanted to be called Porcians; but Cato prevented this, too. Clodius took his opposition extremely ill and tried to pick flaws in his administration: he demanded accounts for the transactions, not because he could prove him guilty of any wrongdoing, but because nearly all of the documents had been destroyed by shipwreck and he might gain some prestige by following this line. Caesar, also, although not present, was aiding Clodius at this time, and according to some sent him in letters the accusations brought against Cato. One of their attacks upon Cato consisted in the charge that he himself had persuaded the consuls (so they affirmed) to propose a praetorship for him, and that he had then voluntarily put it by, in order not to appear to have missed it when he wanted it.

[B.C. 56 (a.u. 698)]

[-24-] So they kept up the conflict, and Pompey, too, encountered some trouble in the distribution of the grain. Many slaves had been freed in anticipation of the event, of whom he wished to take a census in order that the grain delivery might take place with some decency and order. This, to be sure, he managed fairly easily through his own wisdom and because of the large supply of grain: but in seeking the consulship he found annoyances which likewise entailed a measure of censure for him. Clodius's behavior irritated him, but even more the fact that he was treated slightingly by the rest, whose superior he was: and he felt injured both on account of his reputation and on account of the hopes by reason of which while still a private citizen he had thought to be honored beyond them all. Sometimes he could bring himself to despise all this. At first when people began to speak ill of him he was annoyed, but after a time, when he came to consider carefully his own excellence and their baseness, he paid no further attention to them. [-25-] The fact, however, that Caesar's influence had grown and the populace admired his achievements so much as to despatch ten men from the senate in recognition of the apparently absolute subjugation of the Gauls[52] and that the people were so slated by consequent hopes as to vote him large sums of money was a thorn in Pompey's side. He attempted to persuade the consuls not to read Caesar's letters but conceal the facts for a very long time until the glory of his deeds should of its own motion spread itself abroad, and further to send some one to relieve him even before the specified date. So jealous was he that he proceeded to disparage and abrogate all that he himself had effected with Caesar's aid: he was displeased at the great and general praise bestowed upon the latter (whereby his own exploits were being over-shadowed) and reproached the populace for paying little heed to himself and going frantic over Caesar. Especially was he vexed to see that they remembered former achievements just so long as nothing occurred to divert them, that they turned with greatest readiness to each new event, even if it were inferior to something previous because they became tired of the usual and liked the novel, and that they overthrew all established glory by reason of envy, but helped to build up any new power by reason of their hopes. [-26-] This was what caused his displeasure; and as he could not effect anything through the consuls and saw that Caesar had passed beyond the need of keeping faith with him, he regarded the situation as grave. He held that there were two things that destroy friendship,—fear and envy,—and that these can only arise from rival glory and strength. As long as persons possess these last in equal shares, their friendship is firm, but when one or the other excels in the least degree, then the inferior party is jealous and hates the superior while the stronger despises and abuses the weaker: so, whichever way you take it, the one is vexed by his inferiority, the other is elated by his advantage, and they come to strife and war in place of their former friendship. On the basis of some such calculations Pompey began to arm himself against Caesar. And because he thought he could not easily alone overthrow him, he cultivated Crassus even more than before, that he might act with him.

[-27-] When they had compared notes, they decided that it would be really impossible for them to accomplish anything as private citizens, but if they should get the consulship and divide the authority between them for rivalry against him, they would both be a match for him and quickly overcome him, being two against one. So they arranged an entire plan of dissimulation, to wit, that if any of their companions should urge them to the office, they should say they no longer cared to obtain the consulship: after this they put forth their best efforts to get it, in spite of the fact that they had formerly been friends with some of the other candidates. When they began to canvass for the office outside of the times directed by law and others made it plain that they would not allow them to be appointed (among these were the consuls themselves, for Marcellinus had some little influence), they brought it about that the elections should not be held that year (and to this end they employed Gaius Cato and some others), in order that an interrex might be chosen and they seek and secure the place in accordance with the laws. [-28-] Now this was done under some other pretext (as it was said, by reason of engagements made at a different time), but in reality by their own influence, for they openly showed dislike of those who opposed them. The senate, however, was violently enraged, and once while they were wrangling left the room. That was the end of the proceedings for the time being, and again when the same disturbance happened the senators voted to change their dress, as if for some calamity, and they paid no attention to Cato, who, because he gained nothing by speaking against the proposed step, rushed out of the gathering and called in any one he met in the market-place,[53] in order that no decision might be reached; for, if any person not a senator were within, they might not give their vote. But other tribunes were quick and prevented those invited from entering, and so this decree was passed, and it was also proposed that the senators should not be spectators at the festival then going on. When Cato opposed this measure, too, they rushed out in a body, and after changing their dress returned, hoping thus to frighten him. When even so he would not moderate his behavior, they all together proceeded to the Forum and brought to a state of sincere sorrow the multitude, who had come running to that place; Marcellinus was the speaker, and he lamented the present occurrences, while the rest listening wept and groaned, so that no one had a word to say against him. After doing this the senators entered the senate-house immediately, intending to vent their wrath upon those who were responsible.[-29-] But Clodius had meantime jumped to the side of Pompey and espoused his cause again in the hope that if he should help him in securing the prize now at stake, he would make him entirely his friend. So he came before the populace in his ordinary garb, without making any change as the decree required, and addressed a speech to them against Marcellinus and the rest. As great indignation at this act was shown by the senators, he abandoned the people in the midst of his speech and hastened to the senate, where he came near meeting his end. For the senate confronted him and prevented his going in, while at that moment he was surrounded by the knights and would have been torn limb from limb, had he not raised an outcry, calling upon the people for aid; whereupon many ran to the scene bringing fire and threatening to burn his oppressors along with the senate-house, if they should do him any harm.

[-30-] He, then, came within an ace of being killed. But Pompey, not alarmed at all by this, on one occasion rushed into the senatorial assembly, thwarting them as they were just about to vote, and prevented the measure from being carried. When Marcellinus after that publicly asked him whether he really desired to become consul, he in hope that the other might give ground admitted that he was a candidate, but said that he did not want the office so far as the just men were concerned, but that on account of the seditious he was exerting every influence to that end. So Pompey came out openly as his rival, and Crassus on being interrogated gave the same implication himself, not admitting the fact, to be sure, but not denying it, either: instead, he took, as usual, a middle course and said that he would do whatever was advantageous to the republic. In view of this situation Marcellinus and many others were terrified, as they observed their equipment and opposing array, and would no longer frequent the senate-house.

As the number required by custom for passing any vote about the elections did not assemble, it was impossible to have any business at all about them brought forward, and the year thus passed away. However, the senators did not change their attire nor attend the festivals nor celebrate the feast of Jupiter on the Capitol nor go out to Albanum for the Feriae Latinae, held there for the second time by reason of something not rightly done. Instead, like persons in bondage and not possessing authority to choose officials or conduct any other public business they spent the rest of the year.

[B.C. 55 (a.u. 699)]

[-31-]And after this Crassus and Pompey were appointed consuls by the interrex, as no one else of the earlier canvassers opposed them. Lucius Domitius, who contested the office up to the very last day of the year, started out from home for the assembly of the people just after dark, but when the boy that carried the torch in front of him was stabbed, he was frightened and went no farther. Hence, as no one else contested their election, and furthermore because of the action of Publius Crassus, who was a son of Marcus and then lieutenant under Caesar, in bringing soldiers to Rome for this very purpose, they were easily chosen.

[-32-] When they had thus assumed the leadership of the State, they had the other offices given to such as were well disposed toward them and prevented Marcus Cato from being appointed praetor. They suspected that he would not submit to their régime and were unwilling to add any legal power to his outspoken opposition. The nomination of the praetors was made in peace, for Cato did not see fit to offer any violence: in the matter of the curule aediles, however, assassinations took place, so that Pompey was implicated in much bloodshed. The other officials, too,—those elected by the people,—they appointed to please themselves (for they controlled the elections), and they made friends with the other aediles and most of the tribunes. Two tribunes, Gaius Ateius Capito and Publius Aquilius Gallus, would not come to terms with them.

[-33-] Accordingly, when the offices had been settled, they possessed the object of their strivings. They themselves made no mention of these matters before either the senate or the populace, but gravely pretended that they wanted nothing further. Gaius Trebonius, however, a tribune, presented a measure that to the one Syria and its environs be given to rule over for five years, and to the other the Hispaniae, where there had recently been an uprising, for a similar period; also that they should employ as many soldiers as they might wish, both citizens and allies, and should make peace and war with whomsoever they pleased. Many, and especially the friends of Caesar, took offence at this, because those men after obtaining provinces to govern were likely to keep Caesar from holding his position for a much longer time; and therefore some prepared to speak against the measure. Then the consuls fearing that they might fail utterly of the projects they had in hand won over all such supporters on the condition of extending his leadership also for three [54] years more (to follow the actual facts). However, they submitted no part of his case to the populace until their own business had been ratified. And the adherents of Caesar anticipated in this way, kept quiet, and the greater part of the rest, in bondage to fear and satisfied if even so they should save their lives, remained still. [-34-]On the other hand, Cato and Favonius resisted all their schemes, having the two tribunes and others to help them, since in fighting few against many their frankness was of no avail. Favonius, who obtained from Trebonius only one hour for his speech in opposition, used it up in crying out at random about the distressing condition of the times. Cato received the right of employing two hours in his harangue and turned his efforts to censuring the immediate proposition and the whole situation, as he was wont, and so he exhausted his time before he had touched upon any of the revolutionary aspects of the matter. This was done not because he did not have the privilege of speaking also on that topic, but in order that he might be silenced by Trebonius while still appearing to have something more to say and thus obtain this additional grievance to bring up against him. For he well understood that had he employed the entire day, he was still sure to be unable to persuade them to vote anything that he wished. Hence, when bidden to be silent he did not stop immediately, but had to be pushed and dragged from the assemblage, whereupon he came back, and at last though consigned to prison he did not moderate his behavior.

[-35-] That day was so spent that the tribunes were unable to speak any word at all. For in the meetings of the people where a measure was also under discussion, the right to speak was given to all the private citizens before those that held the offices, to the end, as it seemed, that none of them captivated beforehand by the opinion of a superior should dissimulate the thoughts that he had in mind, but should say what he thought with entire frankness. Hence Gallus, being afraid that some one might on the next day keep him from the Forum or do something worse still, went into the place of assembly directly after nightfall and passed the night there for the sake of the safety that the place afforded, and for the purpose of leaving there at dawn to join the populace outside. Trebonius, by shutting all the doors of the senate-house, caused this man to have spent the night and most of the day there in vain. Others occupied the site of the gathering by night and barred out Ateius, Cato, Favonius and the remainder of their followers. When Favonius and Ninnius got in somehow unobserved and Cato and Ateius climbed upon the shoulders of some of those standing around and being lifted up by them declared an omen directing the meeting to break up, the attendants of the tribunes drove them both out, wounded the rest who were with them and actually killed a few.

[-36-] After the law was in this way ratified and the people were already departing from the assembly Ateius took Gallus covered with blood (he had been struck in being forced out of the gathering), led him into the presence of those still on the spot, exhibited him to them, and by making all the comments that were natural, stirred them mightily. The consuls were made aware of this and came quickly, having, indeed, been waiting somewhere near to see what was going on. As they had a considerable body-guard they intimidated the men, immediately called a meeting and passed the additional measures relating to Caesar. The same persons tried to resist these, too, but were unable to accomplish anything.

[-37-] The consuls had this enactment passed, and next they laid heavier penalties upon such as bribed any persons, as if they themselves were any the less guilty because they had secured their office not by money but by force. They had even undertaken to curtail personal expenditures, which had gone to great lengths, although they themselves indulged in every kind of luxury and delicacy; they were prevented, however, by this very business of lawmaking. For Hortensius, one of the men fondest of expensive living, by reviewing the great size of the city and adverting with commendation to the costliness of their homes and their magnanimity toward others, persuaded them to give up their intention, for he could use their mode of life to champion his words. They respected his contention, and furthermore, because they shrank from appearing to debar others through any envy from rights that they themselves enjoyed, they voluntarily withdrew their motion.

[-38-] These were the same days in which Pompey dedicated the theatre wherein we take pride even at the present time. In it he provided an entertainment consisting of music and gymnastic contests, and in the hippodrome a horse-race and the slaughter of many beasts of all kinds. Five hundred lions were used up in five days, and eighteen elephants fought against men in heavy armor. Some of these beasts were killed immediately and others much later. For some of them, contrary to Pompey's wish, were pitied by the people when they were wounded and ceased fighting and walked about with their trunks raised toward heaven. They lamented so bitterly as to give rise to the report that they did so not by accident, but were crying out upon the oaths in which they trusted when crossing over from Libya, and were calling upon Heaven to avenge them. For it is said that they would not set foot upon the ships before they received a pledge under oath from their leaders that they should verily suffer no harm: whether this is really so or otherwise, I know not. For some in time past have further declared that in addition to understanding the language of their native country they also comprehend what is going on in the sky, so that at the time of new moon, before that luminary comes within the gaze of men, they reach running water and there make a kind of purification of themselves. These are some of the things I have heard; I have heard also that this theatre was not erected by Pompey, but by one Demetrius, a freedman of his, with the money he had gained while making campaigns with the general. Wherefore he yielded the name of the structure most justly to his master, that he might not be ill spoken of for having, as his freedman, gathered money enough to suffice for so huge an expenditure.

[-39-] No doubt in this Pompey afforded the populace no little delight, but in making with Crassus the levies, according to their votes, he displeased them exceedingly. Then the majority repented of their course and praised Cato and the rest. So the latter group both on his account and because a certain lawsuit, nominally against their lieutenants but really against them and with reference to their acts had been instituted by some of the tribunes, dared indeed to commit no act of violence, but, together with the malcontents in the senate, changed their clothing as if for a calamity. They immediately, however, repented in regard to this costume and without waiting for any excuse went back to their accustomed dress. Now when the tribunes endeavored to abolish the levies and rescind the vote for the proposed campaigns, Pompey, for his part, showed no anger. He had sent out his lieutenants without delay and he himself was glad to remain where he was on the plea that he was prevented from going abroad, especially as he ought to be in Rome on account of his duties in the care of the grain; and his plan in that case was to let his officers subdue the Hispaniae and himself manage the affairs at Rome and in the rest of Italy. Crassus, however, since neither of these considerations operated in his case, turned to force of arms. The tribunes, then, seeing that their boldness, being unarmed, was too weak to hinder any of his undertakings, in general kept silence. They announced many unusual portents, however, that applied to him, as if they could avoid including the public in their curse: at one time as he was offering on the Capitol the customary prayers for his campaign they spread a report of omens and wonders, and again when he was setting out they called down many terrible curses upon him. Ateius even attempted to cast him into prison, but other tribunes resisted, and there was a conflict among them and a delay, in the midst of which Crassus left the pomerium.

[B.C. 56 (a.u. 698)]

[-40-] Now he, whether by chance or as a result of the curses, before long met with defeat. As for Caesar, he, in the consulship of Marcellinus and Philippus, had made an expedition against the Veneti, who live near the ocean. They had seized some Roman soldiers sent out for grain and afterward detained the envoys who came to see about them, to the end that in exchange they might get back their own hostages. Caesar, instead of giving these back, sent out different bodies of troops in various directions, some to waste the possessions of those who had joined the revolt and thus to prevent the two bands from aiding each other, and others to guard the possessions of those that were under treaty for fear they too might cause some disturbance: he himself meanwhile went straight against the Veneti. He constructed in the interior boats, which he heard were of advantage for the reflux tide of the ocean, and conveyed them down the river Liger, but in so doing used up almost the entire season to no purpose. Their cities, established in strong positions, were inaccessible, and the ocean surging around practically all of them rendered an infantry attack out of the question, and a naval attack equally so in the midst of the ebb and flow of the tide. Consequently Caesar was in despair until Decimus Brutus came to him with swift ships from the Mediterranean. And he was inclined to think he would be unable to accomplish anything with those either, but the barbarians through contempt for the smallness and weakness of the cutters incurred defeat. [-41-] For these boats, with a view to rapid progress, had been built rather light in the prevailing style of naval architecture among us, whereas those of the barbarians, because in the constant reflux of the ocean they often needed to rest on dry ground and to hold out against the succession of ebb and flow, surpassed them very much in both size and stoutness. For these reasons the barbarians, never having had any experience with such a fleet, in view of the appearance of the ships believed their effectiveness of no importance; and as soon as they were lying at anchor they set sail against them, thinking to sink them in a very short time by means of their boathooks. They were carried by an extremely powerful wind, for their sails were of leather and so received greedily the full force of the wind. [-42-] Now Brutus for a time paid good heed to that fact and did not dare to sail out against them because of the number and size of the ships and the sweep of the wind and their impetus, but prepared to repel their attack near the land and to abandon the boats altogether. When, however, the wind suddenly fell, the waves were stilled, and the boats could no longer be propelled even with oars but because of their great heaviness stopped almost motionless, then he took courage and sailed to meet them. Falling upon them he wrought them many serious injuries with impunity, using both flank and smashing tactics,[55] now ramming one of them, now backing water, in whatever way and as much as he liked, sometimes with many vessels against one and again with equal numbers opposed, occasionally even approaching safely with few against many. At whatever point he was superior to them, there he stuck to them closely, and some he sank by ripping them open, and others he boarded from all sides with his mariners for a hand to hand conflict, thus slaughtering many. If he found himself inferior at any place, he very easily retired, so that the advantage rested with him in any case. [-43-] The barbarians did not use archery and had not provided themselves beforehand with stones, not expecting to have any need of them. Hence, if any one came into close quarters with them, they fought him off after a fashion, but with those that stood a little distance from them they knew not how to cope. So they were wounded and killed, some being unable to repel any one, and some of the boats were rammed and torn open, while others were set on fire and burned; still others were drawn off in tow, as if empty of men. The rest of the crews seeing this waited no longer: some killed themselves to avoid being captured alive and others leaped into the sea with the idea that from there they might board the hostile ships, or in any event not perish at the hands of the Romans. In earnestness and daring they were no whit inferior, but grieved terribly at being betrayed by the stationary qualities of their vessels. The Romans, to make sure that the wind when it sprang up again should not move the ships, applied from a distance long poles fitted with knives, by means of which they cut the ropes and split the sails. Through the circumstance that the enemy were compelled to fight a kind of land battle in their boats against a foe conducting a naval battle, great numbers perished there and all the survivors were captured. Of these Caesar slew the most prominent and sold the rest.

[-44-] Next he made a campaign against the Morini and Menapii, their neighbors, expecting to terrify them by what he had already accomplished and capture them easily. He failed, however, to subdue any of them. They had no cities, living only in huts, and they conveyed their most valued treasures to the ruggedest parts of the mountains, so that they did the attacking parties of the Romans much more harm than they themselves suffered. Caesar attempted by cutting down the forests to make his way into the very mountains, but renounced his plan on account of their size and the nearness of winter, and retired.

[-45-] While he was still in Venetia, Quintus Titurius Sabinus, his lieutenant, was despatched against the Unelli, whose leader was Viridovix. At first he was greatly terrified at their numbers and would have been satisfied if only the camp should be saved, but later he perceived that though this advantage made them bolder, they were not in reality dangerous, and he took courage. Most of the barbarians, in fact, in their threats make all sorts of terrible boasts that are without foundation.

Even so he did not dare to venture a passage of arms openly with them, for they kept him in position by mere numbers, but induced them recklessly to assault his rampart, though the site was on high ground. He did this by sending about evening, as a deserter, one of his allies who spoke their language, and persuaded them that Caesar had met with reverses. Trusting this report they straightway started out heedlessly against the Romans (for they were gorged with food and drink), in the fear that they might flee before their arrival. Moreover, since their plans contemplated not allowing even the fire-priest[56] to be saved they brought along chips and logs, carrying some and dragging others, with the evident intention of burning them alive. Thus they made their attack up-hill and came climbing up eagerly, meeting with no resistance. Sabinus did not move until the most of them were within his power. Then he charged down upon them from all sides at once, and terrifying those in front he dashed them all headlong down the hill, and while they were upset, tumbling over one another and the logs, he cut them down to such an extent that no one of them or of the others rose against him again. For the Gauls, who are unreasonably insatiate in all respects alike, know no limits in either their courage or their fear, but fall from the one into unthinkable cowardice and from the other into headstrong audacity.

[-46-] About the same period, Publius Crassus, too, son of Marcus Crassus, subjugated nearly all of Aquitania. The people are themselves Gauls, and dwell next to Celtica, and their territory extends straight along the Pyrenees to the ocean. Against these Crassus made his campaign, conquering the Sotiates in battle and capturing them by siege. He lost a few men, to be sure, by treachery in the course of a parley, but defended them vigorously in this very action. On seeing some others in a gathering with soldiers of Sertorius from Spain who carried on the war with more strategy than recklessness, believing that the Romans through lack of supplies would soon abandon the country, he pretended to be afraid of them. Though incurring their contempt he did not even so draw them into a conflict with him, but while they were calmly awaiting developments he attacked them suddenly and unexpectedly. At the point where he met them he accomplished nothing, because the barbarians advanced and repelled him vigorously; but while their main force was there, he sent some men around to the other side of their camp, got possession of this, which was destitute of men, and passing through it took the fighters in the rear. In this way they were all annihilated, and the rest, all but a few, made terms without a murmur.

[B.C. 55 (a.u. 699)]

[-47-] This was the work of the summer. While the Romans were in winter quarters on friendly ground the Tencteri and Usipetes, Celtic tribes, partly because forced out by the Suebi and partly because called upon by the Gauls, crossed the Rhine and invaded the country of the Treveri. Finding Caesar there they became afraid and sent to him to make a truce, asking for land or at least the permission to take some. When they could obtain none, at first they promised voluntarily to return to their homes and requested an armistice. Later their young men, seeing a few horsemen of his approaching, despised them and altered their determination: thereupon they stopped their journey, harassed the small detachment, which would not await their attack, and elated over this success continued the war.

[-48-] Their elders, condemning their action, came to Caesar even contrary to their advice and asked him to pardon them, laying the responsibility upon a few. He detained these emissaries with the assurance that he would give them an answer before long, set out against the other members of the tribe, who were in their tents, and came upon them as they were passing the noon hour and expecting no hostile demonstration, inasmuch as the delegation was with him.

Rushing into the tents[57] he found great numbers of infantrymen who did not have time even to pick up their weapons, and he cut them down near the wagons where they were disturbed by the presence of the women and the children scattered promiscuously about. The cavalry was absent at the time, and immediately, when the men learned of the occurrence, they set out to their native abodes and retired among the Sugambri. He sent after them and demanded their surrender, not because he expected that they would give themselves up to him (the men beyond the Rhine were not so afraid of the Romans as to listen to anything of that sort), but in order that on this excuse he might cross the stream itself. He himself was exceedingly anxious to do something that no one had previously equaled, and he expected to keep the Celts at a distance from the Gauls by invading the former's territory. When, therefore, the cavalry refused to give themselves up, and the Ubii, whose land was coterminal with the Sugambri and who were at variance with them, invoked his aid, he crossed the river by bridging it. But on finding that the Sugambri had betaken themselves into their strongholds and that the Suebi were gathering apparently to come to their aid, he retired within twenty days.

[-49-] The Rhine issues from the Celtic Alps, a little outside of Rhaetia, and proceeding westward, with Gaul and its inhabitants on the left, it bounds the Celts on the right, and finally empties into the ocean. This has always, even till now, been considered the boundary, from which they came to the difference in names, since very anciently both the peoples dwelling on each side of the river were called Celts.

[-50-] Caesar, then, first of Romans crossed the Rhine at this time, and later in the consulship of Pompey and Crassus he traversed the channel of Britain. This country is distant from the Belgic mainland, opposite the Morini, three hundred and fifty stades at the shortest computation,[58] and extends alongside the rest of Gaul and nearly all of Spain, reaching out into the sea. To the very first of the Greeks and Romans it was not even known; to their descendants it was a matter of dispute whether it was a continent or an island. And its history was written from both points of view by many who knew nothing about it, because they had not seen with their own eyes nor heard from the natives with their own ears, but indulged in guesses according as each had leisure or fondness for talk. As time went on, first under Agricola as propraetor and now under Severus as emperor, it has been clearly proven to be an island.

[-51-] To this land then, Caesar, since he had won over the Morini and the rest of Gaul was quiet, desired to cross. He made the voyage with infantry by the most desirable course, but did not select the best landing-place. For the Britons, having ascertained in advance that he as sailing against them, had secured all the landings on the main coast. Accordingly, he sailed around a kind of projecting headland and coasted along on the other side of it. There he disembarked in shoal water, conquered those who joined battle with him and got a footing on dry land before more numerous assistance could come, after which he repulsed their attack also. Not many of the barbarians fell, for they had chariot drivers, and being mounted easily escaped the Romans whose cavalry had not yet arrived; but alarmed at the reports about them from the mainland and because they had dared to cross at all and had managed to set foot upon the land, they sent to Caesar some of the Morini who were friends of theirs, to see about terms of peace. On this occasion he demanded hostages, which they were willing to give.[-52-] But as the Romans meanwhile began to encounter difficulties by reason of a storm which damaged their fleet that was present and also the one on the way, they changed their minds and though not attacking the invaders openly (for their camp was strongly guarded), they received some who had been sent out to bring in provisions on the assumption that the country was friendly, and destroyed them all, save a few, to whose rescue Caesar came with speed. After that they assaulted the very camp of the invaders. Here they accomplished nothing, but fared badly; they would not, however, make terms until they had been often defeated. And Caesar properly did not intend to make peace with them, but since the winter was approaching and he was not equipped with a sufficient force to continue fighting at that season,—moreover because his supplies had failed and the Gauls in absence had begun an uprising,—he somewhat unwillingly concluded a truce with them, demanding this time still more hostages, but obtaining only a few.

[-53-] So he sailed back to the mainland and put an end to the disturbances. From Britain he had won nothing for himself or for the City except the glory of having conducted an expedition against that land. But on this he prided himself greatly and the Romans at home magnified it to a remarkable degree. Seeing that the formerly unknown had become certain and the previously unheard of accessible, they regarded the hope arising from these facts as already realized and exulted over their expected achievements as if the latter were already within their grasp.

[-54-] Hence they voted to celebrate a thanksgiving for twenty days: but while that was taking place there was an uprising in Spain, which was consequently assigned to Pompey's care. Some tribes had revolted and obtained the help of the Vaccaei: while still unprepared they were conquered by Metellus Nepos, but as he was besieging Clunia they assailed him, proved themselves his superiors, and won back the city; at another time they were beaten, though without being enslaved or anything like it. In fact, they so far surpassed their opponents in numbers that Nepos was glad to remain quiet and not run any risks.

[-55-] About this same time Ptolemy, although the Romans voted not to assist him and were even now highly indignant at the bribery he had instituted, was nevertheless restored and got back the kingdom. Pompey and Gabinius effected this. So much power did official authority and abundance have as against the decrees of the people and the senate that when Pompey sent orders to Gabinius, then governor of Syria, the latter immediately put his army in motion. So the former out of kindness and the latter through corrupt influence restored the king contrary to the wish of the commonwealth, paying no heed either to it or to the utterances of the Sibyl. Gabinius was later brought to trial for this, but on account of Pompey's influence and the money at his command was not convicted. Public administration had so deteriorated among the Romans of that day that when some of the magistrates and jurymen received from him only a very little of the great bribes that he disbursed, they heeded no requirement of propriety, and furthermore instructed others to commit crimes for money, showing them that they could easily buy immunity from punishment. At this time, consequently, Gabinius was acquitted; but he was again brought to trial on some other charge,—chiefly that he had plundered more than a million from the province,—and was convicted. This was a matter of great surprise to him, seeing that by money he had freed himself from the former suit; but it was for that reason principally that he was condemned on these charges. It was also a surprise to Pompey, because previously he had, through his friends, rescued Gabinius even at a distance, but now while in the suburbs of the city and, as you might say, in the courtroom itself, he had accomplished nothing.

[-56-] This was the way of it. Gabinius had injured Syria in many ways, even to the point of inflicting more damage upon the people than had the pirates, who were then in their prime. Still, he regarded all his gains from that source as mere trifles and was at one time planning and preparing to lead a campaign also against the Parthians and their wealth. Phraates had been treacherously murdered by his children, and Orodes having taken the kingdom in turn had expelled Mithridates his brother from Media, which he was governing. The latter took refuge with Gabinius and persuaded him to connive at his restoration. However, when Ptolemy came with Pompey's letter and promised that he would furnish large sums, both to him and the army, Gabinius abandoned the Parthian project and hastened to Egypt. This he did although the law forbade governors to enter any one's territory outside their own borders or to begin wars on their own responsibility, and although the people and the Sibyl had declared that the man should not be restored. But the only restraint these considerations exercised was to lead him to sell them for a higher price. He left in Syria Sisenna his son, a mere boy, and a very few soldiers with him, exposing the province to which he had been assigned more than ever to the pirates. He himself then reached Palestine, arrested Aristobulus, who had caused some trouble at Rome and escaped, sent him to Pompey, imposed tribute upon the Jews and thereafter invaded Egypt.

[-57-] Berenice was at this time ruling the Egyptians, and though she feared the Romans she accorded him no satisfactory treatment. Instead, she sent for one Seleucus who purported to belong to the royal race that once had flourished in Syria, acknowledged him as her husband and made him sharer of the kingdom and of the war. When he was seen to be held in no esteem she had him killed and joined to herself on the same terms Archelaus, son of that Archelaus who had deserted to Sulla; he was an energetic man living in Syria. Gabinius could, indeed, have stopped the evil in its beginning: he had arrested Archelaus, of whom he had been suspicious all along, and seemed likely, therefore, to have no further trouble. He was afraid, however, that this course might cause him to receive from Ptolemy less of the money that had been stipulated, on the assumption that he had done nothing of importance, and he hoped that he could exact even a larger amount in view of the cleverness and renown of Archelaus; moreover he received numerous other contributions from the prisoner himself and so voluntarily released him, pretending that he had escaped.[-58-] Thus he reached Pelusium without meeting opposition, and while advancing from there with his army in two divisions he encountered and conquered the Egyptians on the same day, and after this vanquished them again on the river with his ships and also on land. For the Alexandrians are very apt to face everything boldly and to speak out whatever may occur to them, but for war and its terrors they are decidedly worthless. This is true in spite of the fact that in seditions, which occur among them in great numbers and of serious proportions, they always become involved in slaughter, set no value upon life as compared with the rivalry of the moment, but pursuing destruction in such quarrels as if it were a most necessary prize. So Gabinius conquered them, and after slaying Archelaus and many others he immediately gained control of all Egypt and delivered it over to Ptolemy.

Now Ptolemy killed his daughter and the foremost and richest of the other citizens, because he had much need of money. [-59-] Gabinius after restoring him in this fashion sent no message home about what he had done, in order not to give them information against himself of his transgressions of the law. But it was not possible for a proceeding of such magnitude to be concealed. The people learned it directly, for the Syrians cried out loudly against Gabinius, especially since in his absence they were terribly abused by the pirates; and again the tax collectors, being unable to levy taxes on account of the marauders, were owing numerous sums. This enraged the populace: they passed resolutions and were ready to condemn him. Cicero attacked him vigorously and advised them to read again the Sibylline verses, expecting that there was contained in them some punishment, in case their injunctions should be transgressed. [-60-] Pompey and Crassus were still consuls, the former acted as his own interests dictated, the latter was for pleasing his colleague and also soon received money sent him by Gabinius. Thus they openly justified his conduct, calling Cicero among other names "exile," and would not put the question to a vote.

[B.C. 54 (a.u. 700)]

When, however, they had ended their office, Lucius Domitius and Appius Claudius became their successors, once more many resolutions were published and the majority proved to be against Gabinius. Domitius was hostile to Pompey on account of the latter's canvass and because he had been appointed consul contrary to his wish. Claudius, although a relative of Pompey's, still wished to play the game of politics and indulge the people, and furthermore he expected to get bribes from Gabinius, if he should cause him any uneasiness. So both worked in every way against him. The following fact, also, militated strongly against him; that he had not received a certain lieutenant sent in advance by Crassus to succeed him in the office, but held fast to the position as if he had obtained an eternal sovereignty. They decided, therefore, that the verse of the Sibyl should be read, in spite of Pompey's opposition. [-61-] Meantime the Tiber, perhaps because excessive rains took place somewhere up the stream above the city, or because a violent wind from the sea beat back its outgoing tide, or still more probably, by the act of some Divinity, suddenly rose so high as to inundate all the lower levels in the city and to overwhelm much even of the higher ground. The houses, therefore, being constructed of brick, were soaked through and washed away, while all the cattle perished under water. And of the men all who did not take refuge betimes on very high points were caught, some in their dwellings, some on the streets, and lost their lives. The remaining houses, too (because the evil lasted for many days), became rotten and injured some persons at once and others afterward. The Romans, distressed at such calamities and expecting others worse because, as they thought, Heaven had become angry with them for the restoration of Ptolemy, were urgent to put Gabinius to death even while absent, believing that they would be harmed less if they should destroy him with speed. So insistent were they that although nothing about punishment was found in the Sibylline oracles, still the senate passed a preliminary resolution that the governors and populace might accord him very bitter and harsh treatment.

[-62-] While this was going on, money sent ahead by Gabinius caused by its very presence a setback to his interests though he was not only absent but not even on his way home. And, indeed, he was placed by his conscience in such a wretched and miserable condition that he long delayed coming to Italy, and was conveyed to his house by night, and for a considerable number of days did not dare to appear outside of his house. Complaints were many and he had abundance of accusers. Accordingly, he was first tried for the restoration of Ptolemy, as his greatest offence. Practically the entire populace surged into the courthouse and often wished to tear him to pieces, particularly because Pompey was not present and Cicero accused him with fearful earnestness. Though this was their attitude, he was acquitted. For he himself, appreciating the gravity of the charges on which he was tried, expended vast sums of money, and the companions of Pompey and Caesar very willingly aided him, declaring that a different time and different king were meant by the Sybil, and, most important of all, that no punishment for his deeds were recorded in her verses.

[-63-] The populace, therefore, came near killing the jurymen, but, when they escaped, turned their attention to the remaining complaints against him and caused him to be convicted at least on those. The men who were chosen by lot to pass judgment on the charges both feared the people and likewise obtained but little from Gabinius; knowing that his conduct in minor matters only was being investigated and expecting to win this time also he did not lay out much. Hence they condemned him, in spite of Pompey's proximity and Cicero's advocacy of his cause. Pompey had left town to attend to the grain, much of which had been ruined by the river, but set out with the intention of attending the first court,—for he was in Italy,—and, as he missed that, did not retire from the suburbs until the other was also finished. He had the people assemble outside the pomerium, since, as he held already the office of proconsul, he was not allowed to enter the town, and harangued them at length in behalf of Gabinius, reading to them a letter sent to him by Caesar in the man's behalf. He even implored the jurymen, and not only prevented Cicero from accusing him again but actually persuaded him to plead for him; as a result the derogatory epithet of "deserter" became widely applied to the orator. However, he did Gabinius no good: the latter was at this time convicted and exiled, as stated, but was later restored by Caesar.

[-64-] At this same time the wife of Pompey died, after giving birth to a baby girl. And whether by the arrangement of Caesar's friends and his or because there were some who wished on general principles to do them a favor, they caught up the body, as soon as she had received proper eulogies in the Forum, and buried it in the Campus Martius. The opposition of Domitius and his declaration (among others) that it was impious for any one to be buried in the sacred spot without some decree proved of no avail.

[-65-] At this season Gaius Pomptinus also celebrated the triumph over the Gauls. Up to that time, as no one granted him the right to hold it, he had remained outside the pomerium. And he would have missed it then, too, had not Servius Galba, who had made a campaign with him, granted as praetor secretly and just before dawn to certain persons the privilege of voting:—this, in spite of the fact that it is not permitted by law for any business to be transacted in the popular assembly before the first hour. For this reason some of the tribunes, who had been left out of the meeting, caused him trouble (at least, in the procession), so that there was some killing.

DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY

40

The following is contained in the Fortieth of Dio's Rome.

How Caesar for the second time sailed across into Britain (chapters 1-3.)

How Caesar turned back from Britain and again engaged in war with the
Gauls (chapters 4-11).

How Crassus began to carry on war with the Parthians (chapters 12, 13).

About the Parthians (chapters 14, 15).

How Crassus was defeated by them and perished (chapters 16-30).

How Caesar subjugated the whole of Transalpine Gaul (chapters 31-43).

How Milo killed Clodius and was condemned by the court (chapters 44-57).

How Caesar and Pompey began to be at variance (chapters 58-66).

Duration of time, the remainder of the consulship of Domitius and Appius Claudius, together with four additional years, in which there were the following magistrates here enumerated.

Cn. Domitius M.F. Calvinus, M. Valerius || Messala. || (B.C. 53 = a.u. 701.)

|| Cn. Pompeius || Cn. F. Magnus (III), Caecilius Metellus Scipio Nasicae
F. (B.C. 52 = a.u. 702.)

Servius Sulpicius Q.F. Rufus, M. Claudius M.F. Marcellus. (B.C. 51 = a.u. 703.)

L. Aemilius M.F. Paulus, || C. Claudius C.F. Marcellus. || (B.C. 50 = a.u. 704.)