Footnotes
1. See the conclusion of chap. ix. book ii.
2. Friends.
3. See a plan of this bay, in Hawkesworth’s Collection, vol. ii. p. 248.
4. Morea, according to Dr. Forster, is a district in Eimeo. See his Observations, p. 217.
5. See Cook’s Voyage, vol. iii. chap. 13.
6. See Captain Wallis’s account of the same operation performed on himself, and his first lieutenant, in Hawkesworth’s Collection, vol. i. p. 463. Lond. edit.
7. Terridiri is Oberea’s son. See an account of the royal family of Otaheite in Hawkesworth’s Collection, vol. ii. p. 154.
8. See a plan of this harbour in Hawkesworth’s Collection, vol. ii. p. 248.
9. Cook and Clerke.
10. See a plan of this harbour, in Hawkesworth’s Collection, vol. ii. p. 248.
11. Perhaps they owed their safety principally to Captain Clerke’s walking with a pistol in his hand, which he once fired. This circumstance is omitted both in Captain Cook’s and in Mr. Anderson’s journal; but is here mentioned on the authority of Captain King.
12. Captain Cook had seen Oree in 1769, when he commanded the Endeavour; also twice during his second voyage in 1772.
13. See a chart of the island Bolabola in Hawkesworth’s Collection, vol. ii. p. 249. Though we have no particular drawing of the harbour, its situation is there distinctly represented.
14. For this, as for many other particulars about these people, we are indebted to Mr. Anderson.
15. These are taken notice of in Hawkesworth’s Collection, vol. ii. p. 256, &c.
16. See this vocabulary, at the end of the second volume of Captain Cook’s second voyage. Many corrections and additions to it were now made by this indefatigable inquirer; but the specimens of the language of Otaheite, already in the hands of the public, seem sufficient for every useful purpose.
17. Mr. Anderson invariably, in his manuscript, writes Eree de hoi. According to Captain Cook’s mode, it is Eree rahie. This is one of the numerous instances that perpetually occur, of our people’s representing the same word differently.
18. That the Caroline Islands are inhabited by the same tribe or nation, whom Captain Cook found, at such immense distances, spread throughout the South Pacific Ocean, has been satisfactorily established in some preceding notes. The situation of the Ladrones, or Marianne Islands, still further north than the Carolines, but at no great distance from them, is favourable, at first sight, to the conjecture, that the same race also peopled that cluster; and on looking into Father Le Gobien’s History of them, this conjecture appears to be actually confirmed by direct evidence. One of the greatest singularities of the Otaheite manners is the existence of the society of young men, called Erroes, of whom some account is given in the preceding paragraph. Now we learn from Father le Gobien, that such a society exists also amongst the inhabitants of the Ladrones. His words are, Les Urritoes sont parmi eux les jeunes gens qui vivent avec des maitresses, sans vouloir s’engager dans les liens du marriage. That there should be young men in the Ladrones, as well as in Otaheite, who live with mistresses, without being inclined to enter into the married state, would not, indeed, furnish the shadow of any peculiar resemblance between them. But that the young men in the Ladrones and in Otaheite, whose manners are thus licentious, should be considered as a distinct confraternity, called by a particular name; and that this name should be the same in both places: this singular coincidence of custom, confirmed by that of language, seems to furnish an irrefragable proof of the inhabitants of both places being the same nation. We know, that it is the general property of the Otaheite dialect, to soften the pronunciation of its words. And, it is observable, that, by the omission of one single letter (the consonant t) our Arreoys (as spelled in Hawkesworth’s Collection), or Erroes (according to Mr. Anderson’s orthography), and the Urritoes of the Ladrones, are brought to such a similitude of sound (the only rule of comparing two unwritten languages), that we may pronounce them to be the same word, without exposing ourselves to the sneers of supercilious criticism.
One or two more such proofs, drawn from similarity of language, in very significant words, may be assigned. Le Gobien tells us, that the people of the Ladrones worship their dead, whom they call Anitis. Here, again, by dropping the consonant n, we have a word that bears a strong resemblance to that which so often occurs in Captain Cook’s Voyages, when speaking of the divinities of his islands, whom he calls Eatooas. And it may be matter of curiosity to remark, that what is called an Aniti, at the Ladrones, is, as we learn from Cantova [Lettres Edifiantes & Curieuses, tom. xv. p. 309, 310.], at the Caroline Islands, where dead chiefs are also worshipped, called a Tahutup; and that, by softening or sinking the strong sounding letters, at the beginning and at the end of this latter word, the Ahutu of the Carolines, the Aiti of the Ladrones, and the Eatooa of the South Pacific Islands, assume such a similarity in pronunciation (for we can have no other guide), as strongly marks one common original. Once more; we learn from Le Gobien, that the Marianne people call their chiefs Chamorris, or Chamoris. And, by softening the aspirate Ch into T, and the harshness of r into l (of which the vocabularies of the different islands give us repeated instances), we have the Tamole of the Caroline Islands, and the Tamolao, or Tamaha, of the Friendly ones.
If these specimens of affinity of language should be thought too scanty, some very remarkable instances of similarity of customs and institutions will go far to remove every doubt. 1. A division into three classes, of nobles, a middle rank, and the common people, or servants, was found, by Captain Cook, to prevail both at the Friendly and the Society Islands. Father Le Gobien expressly tells us, that the same distinction prevails at the Ladrones: Il y a trois états, parmi les insulaires, la noblesse, le moyen, & le menu. 2. Numberless instances occur in Captain Cook’s voyage to prove the great subjection under which the people of his islands are to their chiefs. We learn from Le Gobien, that it is so also at the Ladrones. La noblesse est d’un fierté incroyable, & tient le peuple dans un abaisement qu’on ne pourroit imaginer en Europe, &c. 3. The diversions of the natives at Wateeoo, the Friendly, and the Society Islands, have been copiously described by Captain Cook. How similar are those which Le Gobien mentions in the following words, as prevailing at the Ladrones? Ils se divertissent à danser, courir, sautir, lutter, pour s’exercer, & éprouver leurs forces. Ils prennent grand plaisir à raconter les avantures de leurs ancêtres, & à reciter des vers de leurs poëtes. 4. The principal share sustained by the women in the entertainments at Captain Cook’s islands, appears sufficiently from a variety of instances in this work; and we cannot read what Le Gobien says of the practice at the Ladrones, without tracing the strongest resemblance.—Dans leurs assemblées elles se mettent douze ou treize femmes en rond, débout, sans se remuer. Dans cette attitude elles chantent les vers fabuleux de leurs poëtes avec un agrêment, & une justesse qui plairoit en Europe. L’accord de leur voix est admirable, & ne cede en rien à la musique concertée. Elles ont dans les mains de petits coquilles, dont elles se servent avec beaucoup de precision. Elles soutiennent leur voix, & animent leur chants, avec une action si vive, & des gestes si expressives, qu’elles charment ceux qui les voient, & qui les entendent. 5. We read, in Hawkesworth’s account of Captain Cook’s first voyage, vol. ii. p. 235. that garlands of the fruit of the palm-tree and cocoa-leaves, with other things particularly consecrated to funeral solemnities, are deposited about the places where they lay their dead; and that provisions and water are also left at a little distance. How conformable to this is the practice at the Ladrones, as described by Le Gobien! Ils font quelques repas autour du tombeau; car on en éleve toujours un sur le lieu où le corps est enterré, ou dans le voisinage; on le charge de fleurs, de branches de palmiers, de coquillages, & de tout ce qu’ils ont de plus precieux. 6. It is the custom at Otaheite [See Hawkesworth, vol. ii. p. 236.] not to bury the sculls of the chiefs with the rest of the bones, but to put them into boxes made for that purpose. Here again, we find the same strange custom prevailing at the Ladrones; for Le Gobien expressly tells us, qu’ils gardent les cranes en leur maisons, that they put these sculls into little baskets (petites corbeilles); and that these dead chiefs are the Anitis to whom their priests address their invocations. 7. The people of Otaheite, as we learn from Captain Cook, in his account of Tee’s embalmed corpse, make use of cocoa-nut oil, and other ingredients, in rubbing the dead bodies. The people of the Ladrones, Father Le Gobien tells us, sometimes do the same.—D’autres frottent les morts d’huile odoriferante. 8. The inhabitants of Otaheite [See Hawkesworth, vol. ii. p. 239, 240.] believe the immortality of the soul; and that there are two situations after death, somewhat analogous to our heaven and hell; but they do not suppose, that their actions here in the least influence their future state. And in the account given in this voyage [Vol. i. p. 403.] of the religious opinions entertained at the Friendly Islands, we find there exactly the same doctrine. It is very observable, how conformable to this is the belief of the inhabitants of the Ladrones.—Ils sont persuadés (says Le Gobien) de l’immortalité de l’âme. Ils reconnoissent même un Paradis & un Enfer, dont ils se forment des idées assez bizarres. Ce n’est point, selon eux, la vertu ni le crime, qui conduit dans ces lieux là; les bonnes ou les mauvaises actions n’y servent de rien. 9. One more very singular instance of agreement shall close this long list. In Captain Cook’s account of the New Zealanders [Vol. i. p. 138.], we find, that, according to them, the soul of the man that is killed, and whose flesh is devoured, is doomed to a perpetual fire; while the souls of all who die a natural death ascend to the habitations of the Gods. And from Le Gobien, we learn, that this very notion is adopted by his islanders.—Si on a le malheur de mourir de mort violente, on a l’enfer pour leur partage.
Surely such a concurrence of very characteristic conformities cannot be the result of mere accident; and, when combined with the specimens of affinity of language mentioned at the beginning of this note, it should seem, that we are fully warranted, from premises thus unexceptionable, to draw a certain conclusion, that the inhabitants of the various islands discovered or visited by Captain Cook, in the South Pacific Ocean, and those whom the Spaniards found settled upon the Ladrones or Mariannes, in the northern hemisphere, carried the same language, customs, and opinions, from one common centre, from which they had emigrated; and that, therefore, they may be considered as scattered members of the same nation.
See Pere le Gobien’s Histoire des Isles Mariannes, book ii. or the summary of it in Histoire des Navigations aux Terres Australes, t. ii. p. 492—512, from which the materials for this note have been extracted.
19. We have here another instance of the same word being differently pronounced by the people. Captain Cook, as appears above, speaks of Olla, as the Bolabola god.
20. See Bougainville’s Voyage autour du Monde, p. 228., where we are told that these people sometimes navigate at the distance of more than three hundred leagues.
21. Hawkesworth’s Collection, vol. ii. p. 278.
22. See Dalrymple’s Collection, vol. i. b. 45.
23. See the description of the morai, in Otaheite, where the human sacrifice was offered, at which Captain Cook was present.
24. It is a matter of real curiosity to observe how very extensively the predilection for red feathers is spread throughout all the islands of the Pacific Ocean: and the additional circumstance mentioned in this paragraph will probably be looked upon, by those who amuse themselves in tracing the wonderful migrations of the same family or tribe, as a confirmation of that hypothesis (built, indeed, on other instances of resemblance), which considers New Guinea, and its neighbouring East India islands, from whence the Dutch bring their birds of paradise, as originally peopled by the same race, which Captain Cook found at every island from New Zealand to this new group, to which Atooi belongs.
What Mr. Sonnerat tells us about the bird of paradise, agrees perfectly with the account here given of the preserved red-birds. Speaking of the Papous, he proceeds thus: “Ils nous presenterent plusieurs especes d’oiseaux, aussi élégants par leur forme, que brillants par le éclat de leur couleurs. La dépouille des oiseaux, sert à la parure des Chefs, qui la portent attachée à leurs bonnets en forme d’aigrettes. Mais en préparant les peaux, ils coupent les pieds. Les Hollandois, qui trafiquent sur ces cotes, y achetent de ces peaux ainsi préparées, les transportent en Perse, à Surate, dans les Indes, où ils les vendent fort chère aux habitans riches, qui en font des aigrettes pour leurs turbans, et pour le casque des guerriers, et qui en parent leur chevaux. C’est de là qu’est venue l’opinion, qu’une de ces especes d’oiseaux (l’oiseau de paradis) n’a point de pattes. Les Hollandois out accrédité ces fables, qui, en jetant du merveilleux sur l’objet dont ils traffiquoient, étoient propres à le rendre plus précieux, et à en rechausser lavaleur.”—Voyage à la Nouvelle Guinée, p. 154.
25. It is very remarkable, that, in this custom, which one would think is so unnatural, as not to be adopted by two different tribes, originally unconnected, the people of this island, and Dampier’s natives on the west side of New Holland, at such an immense distance, should be found to agree.
26. The print of Horn Island, which we meet with in Mr. Dalrymple’s account of Le Maire and Schouten’s voyages, represents some of the natives of that island with such long tails, hanging from their heads as are here described. See Dalrymple’s Voyages to the South Pacific, vol. ii. p. 58.
27. Captain King purchased this, and has it now in his possession.
28. See Vol. V. chap. x.
29. A similar instance of profitable revenue, drawn from the use of nails by the chiefs of the Caroline Islands, is mentioned by father Cantova: “Si, par hazard, un vaisseau étranger laisse dans leurs isles quelques vieux morceaux de fer, ils appartiennent de droit aux Tamoles, qui en font faire des outils, le mieux qu’il est possible. Ces outils sont un fond dont le Tamole tire un revenu considérable, car il les donne à louage, et ce louage se paye assez cher,” p. 314.
30. See more about the great extent of the colonies of this nation, in the Introductory Preface.
31. See the account of Sir Francis’s voyage, in Campbell’s edition of Harris, vol. i. p. 18, and other collections.
32. See Torquemada’s Narrative of Viscaino’s Expedition, in 1602 and 1603, in the second volume of Vanegas’s History of California, English translation, from p. 229, to p. 308.
33. This part of the west side of North America was so named by Sir Francis Drake.
34. In our calendar, the 7th of March is distinguished by the name of Perpetua M. and the 12th by that of Gregory B.
35. See the History of California. Eng. Trans. vol. ii. p. 292.
36. See Michael Locke’s apocryphal account of Juan de Fuca, and his pretended strait, in Purchas, vol. iii. p. 849-852., and many later collections.
37. The natives of this coast, twelve degrees farther south, also brought feathers as presents to Sir Francis Drake on his arrival. See an account of his voyage in Campbell’s edit. of Harris, vol. i. p. 18.
38. Viscaino met with natives on the coast of California, while he was in the harbour of San Diego, who were painted or besmeared with black and white, and had their heads loaded with feathers. History of California, vol. ii. p. 272.
39. Similar to the behaviour of the natives of Nootka on this occasion, was that of another tribe of Indians farther north, in latitude 57° 18ʹ, to the Spaniards, who had preceded Captain Cook only three years in a voyage to explore the coast of America, northward of California. See the journal of that voyage, writ by the second pilot of the fleet, and published by the Honourable Mr. Daines Barrington, to whom the literary world owes so many obligations. Miscellanies, p. 505, 506.
40. See Virginian deer: Pennant’s Hist. Quad. vol. i. No. 46; and Arctic Zool. No. 6.
41. Mr. Coxe, on the authority of Mr. Pallas, informs us that the old and middle-aged sea-otter skins are sold at Kiachta, by the Russians to the Chinese, from 80 to 100 rubles a skin; that is, from 16l. to 20l. each. See Coxe’s Russian Discoveries, p. 13.
42. One of the most curious singularities observable in the natural history of the human species, is the supposed defect in the habit and temperature of the bodies of the American Indians, exemplified in their having no beards, while they are furnished with a profusion of hair on their heads. M. de Paw, the ingenious author of Récherches sur les Américains, Dr. Robertson, in his History of America, and, in general, the writers for whose authority we ought to have the highest deference, adopt this as an indisputable matter of fact. May we not be permitted to request those who espouse their sentiments, to reconsider the question, when we can produce Captain Cook’s evidence on the opposite side, at least so far as relates to the American tribe, whom he had intercourse with at Nootka? Nor is Captain Cook singular in his report. What he saw on the sea-coast, Captain Carver also met with among the American Indians far up in the country. His words are as follow: “From minute inquiries and a curious inspection, I am able to declare (however respectable I may hold the authority of these historians in other points), that their assertions are erroneous, and proceeding from a want of a thorough knowledge of the customs of the Indians. After the age of puberty, their bodies, in their natural state, are covered in the same manner as those of the Europeans. The men, indeed, esteem a beard very unbecoming, and take great pains to get rid of it; nor is there any ever to be perceived on their faces, except when they grow old, and become inattentive to appearances.—The Naudowesses, and the remote nations, pluck them out with bent pieces of hard wood formed into a kind of nippers; whilst those who have communication with Europeans, procure from them wire, which they twist into a screw or worm; applying this to the part, they press the rings together, and with a sudden twitch, draw out all the hairs that are inclosed in them.” Carver’s Travels, p. 224, 225. The remark made by Mr. Marsden, who also quotes Carver, is worth attending to, that the vizor or mask of Montezuma’s armour, preserved at Brussels, has remarkably large whiskers; and that those Americans could not have imitated this ornament, unless nature had presented them with the model. From Captain Cook’s observation on the west coast of North America, combined with Carver’s in the inland parts of that continent, and confirmed by the Mexican vizor as above, there seems abundant reason to agree with M. Marsden, who thus modestly expresses himself: “Were it not for the numerous and very respectable authorities, from which we are assured that the natives of America are naturally beardless, I should think that the common opinion on that subject had been hastily adopted; and that their appearing thus at a mature age, was only the consequence of an early practice, similar to that observed among the Sumatrans. Even now, I must confess, that it would remove some small degree of doubt from my mind, could it be ascertained that no such custom prevails.” Marsden’s History of Sumatra, p. 39, 40.
43. The reflection in the text may furnish the admirers of Herodotus, in particular, with an excellent apology for some of his wonderful tales of this sort.
44. The habitations of the natives, more to the north upon this coast, where Behring’s people landed in 1741, seem to resemble those of Nootka. Muller describes them thus: “Ces cabanes étoient de bois revetu de planches bien unies, et même enchainées en quelques endroits.” Muller, Decouvertes, p. 255.
45. It should seem that Mr. Webber was obliged to repeat his offerings pretty frequently, before he could be permitted to finish his drawing of these images. The following account is in his own words: “After having made a general view of their habitations, I sought for an inside, which might furnish me with sufficient matter to convey a perfect idea of the mode in which these people live. Such was soon found. While I was employed, a man approached me with a large knife in his hand, seemingly displeased, when he observed that my eyes were fixed on two representations of human figures, which were placed at one end of the apartment, carved on planks, of a gigantic proportion, and painted after their custom. However, I took as little notice of him as possible, and proceeded, to prevent which, he soon provided himself with a mat, and placed it in such a manner as to hinder my having any longer a sight of them. Being pretty certain that I could have no future opportunity to finish my drawing, and the object being too interesting to be omitted, I considered that a little bribery might probably have some effect. Accordingly I made an offer of a button from my coat, which, being of metal, I thought they would be pleased with. This instantly produced the desired effect; for the mat was removed, and I was left at liberty to proceed as before. Scarcely had I seated myself and made a beginning, when he returned and renewed his former practice, continuing it till I parted with every single button, and when he saw that he had completely stripped me, I met with no farther obstruction.”
46. This operation is represented by Mr. Webber, in his drawing of the inside of a Nootka house.
47. One of the methods of catching the sea-otter, when ashore, in Kamtschatka, is with nets. See Cox’s Russian Discoveries, p. 13. 4to. Edition.
48. We now know that Captain Cook’s conjecture was well founded. It appears, from the Journal of this Voyage, already referred to, that the Spaniards had intercourse with the natives of this coast, only in three places, in latitude 41° 7ʹ; in latitude 47° 21ʹ; and in latitude 57° 18ʹ. So that they were not within two degrees of Nootka; and it is most probable, that the people there never heard of these Spanish ships.
49. Though the two silver table-spoons, found at Nootka Sound, most probably came from the Spaniards in the south, there seem to be sufficient grounds for believing, that the regular supply of iron comes from a different quarter. It is remarkable, that the Spaniards, in 1775, found at Puerto de la Trinidad, in latitude 41° 7ʹ, arrows pointed with copper or iron, which they understood were procured from the north. Mr. Daines Barrington, in a note at this part of the Spanish Journal, p. 20. says, “I should conceive that the copper and iron, here mentioned, must have originally been bartered at our forts in Hudson’s bay.”
50. May we not, in confirmation of Mr. Anderson’s remark, observe, that Opulszthl, the Nootka name of the sun; and Vitziputzli, the name of the Mexican divinity, have no very distant affinity in sound?
51. It will be found at the end of the last volume.
52. As in the remaining part of this volume, the latitude and longitude are very frequently set down; the former being invariably north and the latter east, the constant repetition of the two words north and east, has been omitted, to avoid unnecessary precision.
53. See De Lisle’s Carte Générale des Découvertes de l’Amiral de Fonte, &c. Paris, 1752; and many other maps.
54. This must be very near that part of the American coast, where Tscherikow anchored in 1741. For Muller places its latitude in 56°. Had this Russian navigator been so fortunate as to proceed a little farther northward along the coast, he would have found, as we now learn from Captain Cook, bays, and harbours, and islands, where his ship might have been sheltered, and his people protected in landing. For the particulars of the misfortunes he met with here, two boats crews, which he sent ashore, having never returned, probably cut off by the natives, see Muller’s Découvertes des Russes, p. 248, 254. The Spaniards, in 1775, found two good harbours on this part of the coast; that called Gualoupe, in latitude 57° 11ʹ, and the other, De los Remedios, in latitude 57° 18ʹ.
55. It should seem that in this very bay, the Spaniards, in 1775, found their port which they call De los Remedios. The latitude is exactly the same; and their journal mentions its being protected by a long ridge of high islands. See Miscellanies by the Honourable Daines Barrington, p. 503, 504.
56. According to Muller, Beering fell in with the coast of North America in latitude 58° 28ʹ; and he describes its aspect thus: “L’aspect du pays étoit affrayant par ses hautes montagnes couvertes de neige.” The chain, or ridge of mountains, covered with snow, mentioned here by Captain Cook, in the same latitude, exactly agrees with what Beering met with. See Muller’s Voyages et Découvertes des Russes, p. 248-254.
57. Probably Captain Cook means Muller’s map, prefixed to his History of the Russian Discoveries.
58. Then Sub-almoner, and Chaplain to his Majesty, afterwards Dean of Lincoln.
59. See Muller, p. 256.
60. Exactly corresponding to this, was the manner of receiving Beering’s people, at the Schumagin Islands, on this coast, in 1741. Muller’s words are—“On sait ce que c’est que le calumet, que les Américains septentrionaux présentent en signe de paix. Ceux-ci en tenoient de pareils en main. C’étoient des bâtons avec ailes de faucon attachés au boul.” Découvertes, p. 268.
61. Captain Cook seems to take his ideas of these from Mr. Stæhlin’s map, prefixed to the account of the Northern Archipelago; published by Dr. Maty, London, 1774.
62. On what evidence Captain Cook formed his judgment as to this, is mentioned in the Introduction.
63. Crantz’s History of Greenland, vol. i. p. 136-138. The reader will find in Crantz many striking instances, in which the Greenlanders and Americans of Prince William’s Sound resemble each other, besides those mentioned in this chapter by Captain Cook. The dress of the people of Prince William’s Sound, as described by Captain Cook, also agrees with that of the inhabitants of Schumagin’s Islands, discovered by Beering in 1741. Muller’s words are, “Leur habillement étoit de boyaux de baleines pour le haut du corps, et de peaux de chiens-marins pour le bas.” Découvertes des Russes, p. 274.
64. Vol. i. p. 138.
65. See Crantz, vol. i. p. 150.
66. Vol. i. p. 146. He has also given a representation of them on a plate there inserted.
67. The rattling-ball found by Steller, who attended Beering in 1741, at no great distance from this Sound, seems to be for a similar use. See Muller, p. 256.
68. We are also indebted to him for many remarks in this chapter, interwoven with those of Captain Cook, as throwing considerable light on many parts of his journal.
69. With regard to these numerals, Mr. Anderson observes, that the words corresponding to ours, are not certain after passing three; and therefore he marks those, about whose position he is doubtful, with a point of interrogation.
70. In his Account of Kodjak, p. 32, 34.
71. There is a circumstance mentioned by Muller, in his account of Beering’s voyage to the coast of America in 1741, which seems to decide this question. His people found iron at the Schumagin Islands, as may be fairly presumed from the following quotation. “Un seul homme avoit un couteau pendu à sa ceinture, qui parut fort singulier à nos gens par sa figure. Il étoit long de huit pouces, et fort épais, et large à l’endroit où devoit être la pointe. On ne peut savoir quel étoit l’usage de cet outil.” Découvertes des Russes, p. 274.
If there was iron amongst the natives on this part of the American coast, prior to the discovery of it by the Russians, and before there was any traffic with them carried on from Kamtschatka, what reason can there be to make the least doubt of the people of Prince William’s Sound, as well as those of Schumagin’s Islands, having got this metal from the only probable source, the European settlements on the north-east coast of this continent?
72. Captain Cook means Muller’s; of which a translation had been published in London, some time before he sailed.
73. In naming this and Mount St. Augustin, Captain Cook was directed by our Calendar.
74. Captain Cook having here left a blank which he had not filled up with any particular name, Lord Sandwich directed, with the greatest propriety, that it should be called Cook’s River.
75. Tamannoi-ostrow, c’est-à-dire, L’isle Nebuleuse. Muller, p. 261.
76. P. 153. Eng. Trans.
77. See an account of Kodiak, in Stæhlin’s New Northern Archipelago, p. 30. 39.
78. See Muller’s Decouvertes des Russes, p. 262. 277.
79. Mr. Anderson’s Journal seems to have been discontinued for about two months before his death; the last date in his M. S. being of the third of June.
80. Mr. Pennant, since Captain Cook wrote this, has described this animal in a new work, which he calls Arctic Zoology, now ready for publication. We have been favoured with his obliging communications on this, and other particulars; and, therefore, refer the reader to the Arctic Zoology, No. 72.
81. Avec le vent le plus favorable, on peut aller par mer de cette pointe (des Tschuktschis) jusqu’à l’Anadir en trois fois 24 heures; & par terre le chemin ne peut guère être plus long. Muller, p. 13.
82. Captain Cook gives it this name, having anchored in it on St. Laurence’s day, August 10. It is remarkable, that Beering sailed past this very place on the 10th of August, 1728; on which account, the neighbouring island was named by him after the same Saint.
83. Vol. ii. p. 1016, &c.
84. Captain King has communicated the following account of his interview with the same family. “On the 12th, while I attended the wooding party, a canoe full of natives approached us; and, beckoning them to land, an elderly man and woman came on shore. I gave this woman a small knife, making her understand that I would give her a much larger one for some fish. She made signs to me to follow her. I had proceeded with them about a mile, when the man, in crossing a stony beach, fell down, and cut his foot very much. This made me stop; upon which the woman pointed to the man’s eyes, which I observed were covered with a thick, white film. He afterward kept close to his wife, who apprized him of the obstacles in his way. The woman had a little child on her back, covered with the hood of her jacket; and which I took for a bundle, till I heard it cry. At about two miles’ distance we came to their open skin-boat, which was turned on its side, the convex part toward the wind, and served for their house. I was now made to perform a singular operation on the man’s eyes. First, I was directed to hold my breath; afterward, to breathe on the diseased eyes; and next, to spit on them. The woman then took both my hands, and pressing them to his stomach, held them there for some time, while she related some calamitous history of her family, pointing sometimes to her husband, sometimes to a frightful cripple belonging to the family, and sometimes to her child. I purchased all the fish they had, consisting of a very fine salmon, salmon-trout, and mullet; which were delivered most faithfully to the man I sent for them. The man was about five feet two inches high, and well made; his colour of a light copper; his hair black and short, and with little beard. He had two holes in his under lip, but no ornaments in them. The woman was short and squat, with a plump round face; wore a deer-skin jacket, with a large hood; and had on wide boots. The teeth of both were black, and seemed as if they had been filed down level with the gums. The woman was punctured from the lip to the chin.”
85. Captain King has been so good as to communicate his instructions on this occasion, and the particulars of the fatigue he underwent in carrying them into execution:
“You are to proceed to the northward as far as the extreme point we saw on Wednesday last, or a little further, if you think it necessary; land there, and endeavour, from the heights, to discover whether the land you are then upon, supposed to be the island of Alaschka, is really an island, or joins to the land on the east, supposed to be the continent of America. If the former, you are to satisfy yourself with the depth of water in the channel between them, and which way the flood-tide comes. But if you find the two lands connected, lose no time in sounding; but make the best of your way back to the ship, which you will find at anchor near the point of land we anchored under on Friday last. If you perceive any likelihood of a change of weather for the worse, you are, in that case, to return to the ship, although you have not performed the service you are sent upon. And, at any rate, you are not to remain longer upon it than four or five days; but the sooner it is done the better. If any unforeseen or unavoidable accident should force the ships off the coast, so that they cannot return at a reasonable time, the rendezvous is at the harbour of Samganoodha; that is, the place where we last completed our water.
“To Lieutenant King.”
“JAMES COOK.”
“Our cutter being hoisted out, and the signal made for the Discovery’s, at eight at night, on the 14th, we set out. It was a little unlucky that the boats’ crews had been much fatigued during the whole day in bringing things from the shore. They pulled stoutly, without rest or intermission, toward the land, till one o’clock in the morning of the 15th. I wanted much to have got close to it, to have had the advantage of the wind, which had very regularly, in the evening, blown from the land, and in the day-time down the sound, from the N. N. E., and was contrary to our course; but the men were, at this time, too much fatigued to press them farther. We therefore set our sails, and stood across the bay, which the coast forms to the west of Bald Head, and steered for it. But, as I expected, by three o’clock, the wind headed us; and, as it was in vain to endeavour to fetch Bald Head with our sails, we again took to the oars. The Discovery’s boat (being a heavy king’s-built cutter, while ours was one from Deal) had, in the night-time, detained us very much, and now we soon pulled out of sight of her; nor would I wait, being in great hopes to reach the extreme point that was in sight, time enough to ascend the heights before dark, as the weather was at this time remarkably clear and fine; and we could see to a great distance. By two o’clock we had got within two miles of Bald Head, under the lee of the high land, and in smooth water; but at the moment our object was nearly attained, all the men, but two, were so overcome with fatigue and sleep, that my utmost endeavours to make them put on were ineffectual. They, at length, dropped their oars, quite exhausted, and fell asleep in the bottom of the boat. Indeed, considering that they had set out fatigued, and had now been sixteen hours out of the eighteen since they left the ship, pulling in a poppling sea, it was no wonder that their strength and spirits should be worn out for want of sleep and refreshments. The two gentlemen who were with me, and myself, were now obliged to lay hold of the oars, and by a little after three, we landed between the Bald Head and a projecting point to the eastward.”
86. Afterwards Lord Grantley.
87. See the little that is known of Synd’s voyage, accompanied with a chart, in Mr. Coxe’s Russian Discoveries, p. 300.
88. The latest expedition of this kind, taken notice of by Muller, was in 1724. But in justice to Mr. Ismyloff, it may be proper to mention, which is done on the authority of a MS., communicated by Mr. Pennant, and the substance of which has been published by Mr. Coxe, that, so late as 1768, the Governor of Siberia sent three young officers over the ice in sledges, to the islands opposite the mouth of the Kovyma. There seems no reason for not supposing, that a subsequent expedition of this sort might also be undertaken in 1773. Mr. Coxe, p. 324, places the expedition on sledges in 1764; but Mr. Pennant’s MS. may be depended upon.
89. English translation, p. 83, 84.
90. A Russian ship had been at Kodiack, in 1776; as appears from a MS. obligingly communicated by Mr. Pennant.
91. Stæhlin’s New Northern Archipelago, p. 15.
92. 36lb.
93. The Russians began to frequent Oonalashka in 1762. See Coxe’s Russian Discoveries, ch. viii. p. 80.
94. See the particulars of hostilities between the Russians and natives, in Coxe, as cited above.
95. Mr. Coxe’s description of the habitations of the natives of Oonalashka, and the other Fox Islands, in general, agrees with Captain Cook’s. See Russian Discoveries, p. 149. See also Histoire des différents Peuples soumis à la Domination des Russes, par M. Levesque, tom. i. p. 40, 41.
96. History of Kamtschatka. Eng. Trans. p. 160.
97. History of Kamtschatka, p. 99.
98. It will be found, amongst other vocabularies, at the end of the seventh volume.
99. Cook’s River.
100. On the chart of Krenitzen’s and Levasheff’s voyage, in 1768 and 1769, which we find in Mr. Coxe’s book, p. 251., an island call Amuckta, is laid down, not very far from the place assigned to Amoghta by Captain Cook.
101. Though this rock had no place in the Russian map produced by Ismyloff, it has a place in the chart of Krenitzen’s and Levasheff’s voyage, above referred to. The chart also agrees with Captain Cook’s, as to the general position of this group of islands. The singularly indented shores of the island of Oonalashka are represented in both charts much alike; these circumstances are worth attending to, as the more modern Russian maps of this Archipelago are so wonderfully erroneous.
